Black Spring (Algeria)
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Through Police, Social exclusion and Riot
Events
In 2001, a young Kabyle student, Massinissa Guermah, was arrested by Algerian gendarmes and later died inside the gendarmerie. This provoked large-scale riots in the Kabyle region, that lasted for months.
President Abdelaziz Bouteflika's government claimed that the real name of Massinissa was in fact Karim and that he was a jobless criminal aged 26. Several months after these statements, the government admitted that his real name was in fact Massinissa (named after the historical Berber king of ancient Algeria), and that he was an innocent high school student. The Minister of the Interior Yazid Zerhouni said that he "was badly informed". No apologies were given to the victim's family, however, and the riots did not stop. Bouteflika's government maintained that the Kabyles were being "manipulated by a foreign hand".
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Victims
As of April 2001 (few days after the beginning of the black spring) there were 43 young Kabyles killed. As of July 2001, there were 267 young people shot by bullets, of which 50 died (18,7%). The Issad commission notes that "It is only comparable to military losses in very tough battles during war time, The security forces, at the same time and at the same place do not present any wounded man by bullets, nor anyone killed by bullets."
As of April 2002, the Algerian Human Rights League reports 128 Kabyles killed, 5000 wounded of which 200 have become permanently disabled, and thousands of arrests, bad treatment, torture and arbitrary detentions.
At the end of the Black Spring events, the Algerian press reported 128 Kabyles were killed, and thousands were severely injured in the riots, or tortured by the Gendarmerie paramilitaries.
Results
In the end, Bouteflika agreed to some of the Kabyle demands. Gendarmes were withdrawn from Kabylie, and the Berber language (Tamazight) was made a "national language" in the 2002 Algerian Constitution (but not an "official" language, on par with Arabic, until 2016).
The traditional Berber political parties, Saïd Sadi's liberal Rally for Culture and Democracy (RCD) and Hocine Aït Ahmed's socialist Front of Socialist Forces (FFS), were partly marginalized by the radical grass-roots activism and violent forms of protest. Instead, new movements rose to the fore in Kabyle politics: the Arush (Arouch) movement and the Movement for the Autonomy of Kabylie (MAK), whose regionalist ambitions for autonomy marked a new evolution in Kabyle politics.
The region of Barbacha has managed to gain a significant degree of autonomy, giving hope to many Kabylie activists.