Feminism in Sweden

Swedish feminism dates back to the 17th century and was discussed in intellectual circles throughout the 18th century. Since the publication Samtal emellan Argi Skugga och en obekant Fruentimbers Skugga by Margareta Momma in 1738, followed by Hedvig Charlotta Nordenflycht's famous poem Fruntimrens försvar (To the Defense of Women, 1761) debate on gender roles and gender equality has become a mainstream topic.

Women had conditional suffrage during the Age of Liberty in 1718–1772. With a relatively high level of education, in 1862, unmarried Swedish women were the first worldwide to be granted conditional right to vote in municipal elections. Universal women suffrage followed in 1921. Since then, Sweden has remained a forerunner of gender equality driven by a both intellectual and practical feminist movement. In the 21st century, Sweden has seen the rise of anti-gender campaigns targeting transgender people, gender studies, and intersectional feminist and queer movements, reflecting a broader transnational backlash against gender justice and inclusion. Among these are so-called "gender-critical" actors who present themselves as radical feminists while advancing trans-exclusionary positions.

In 2014, Sweden's Feminist Initiative became the first feminist political party to win a mandate in the European parliament, rediscussing feminism from a decisively antiracist perspective that includes the perspectives of people of color.

History

Protofeminism

During the 17th century, questions around gender roles, gender equality and women's rights were raised by individuals such as Sophia Elisabet Brenner and Beata Rosenhane, but these were rare exceptions.

During the 18th century, gender roles, gender equality and reform in women's social and legal status were discussed in public debate and literature. Many anonymous female journalists and writers participated under pseudonyms in temporary periodicals, often in the form of a fictions correspondence, questioning the status of women, only a minority of whom, however, has been identified. Among them were Margareta Momma, Catharina Ahlgren and Anna Maria Rückerschöld. In 1761, Hedvig Charlotta Nordenflycht wrote her famous poem Fruntimrens försvar (To the Defense of Women).

First wave feminism

The first civil-society organisation founded by women in Sweden was the charitable society Välgörande fruntimmerssällskapet, which was founded in Stockholm in 1819 by a group of upper-class women under the leadership of Princess Sophie Albertine of Sweden. Its purpose was to support poor women. This was the first time in Sweden women organized to achieve and reform something in society by a public voice. Though the subject may seem non controversial, the act of women organizing to change society was in itself radical. This was to be followed by numerous other charitable women's societies during the 19th century.

In 1839, Carl Jonas Love Almqvist started a long literary debate regarding gender roles through his famous novel Det går an, in which he argued for free love and the right of Cohabitation without the restrictions of marriage and the right for women to experience love without losing their independence.

In 1848, Sophie Sager aroused considerable controversy after reporting a rape attempt and going on to win her case. She became the perhaps first woman in Sweden to make public speeches in favor of feminism, which made her famous but also ridiculed as a feminist figure. Hers was, however, an isolated attempt, and did not start any organized movement.

In 1855, Josefina Deland founded the Svenska lärarinnors pensionsförening (The Society for Retired Female Teachers) to provide for retired female teachers and governesses. Being an educator was at the time one of the few professions available for an educated woman to support herself, which was at the time an important question for women. This was arguably the first time women organized themselves to deal with a wider women's issue in Sweden.

In 1856, Fredrika Bremer published the novel Hertha, which aroused great controversy and created the "Hertha Debate". The two foremost questions were the abolition of legal guardianship for unmarried women, and for the state to provide women an equivalent to a university. Social change arrived: in 1858, a reform granted unmarried women the right to apply for legal majority by a simple procedure, and in 1861, Högre lärarinneseminariet was founded as a "Women's University". In 1859, the first women's magazine in Sweden and the Nordic countries, the Tidskrift för hemmet, was founded by Sophie Adlersparre and Rosalie Olivecrona. This has been referred to as the starting point of a women's movement in Sweden.

The second half of the 19th century saw the creation of several women's rights organisations and a considerable activity within both active organisations as well as intellectual debate. The organized women's movement begun in 1873, when the Married Woman's Property Rights Association was co-founded by Anna Hierta-Retzius and Ellen Anckarsvärd. The prime task of the organization was to fully abolish coverture. In 1884, the Fredrika Bremer Association was founded by Sophie Adlersparre to work for the improvement in women's rights. The Swedish Dress reform Association worked to liberate women from the contemporary Victorian dress fashion and thus improve their health and give them more freedom of movement.

The 1880s saw the so-called Sedlighetsdebatten ('Virtue Debate'), where gender roles were discussed in literary debates in regards to sexual double standards, as opposed to sexual equality. One of the organs for this was the Svenska Federationen, who worked to put a stop to the regulation system of prostitutes and questioned the contemporaneous sexual double standards by which this system was justified. Women organized prominently in the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, whose Swedish section Vita bandet ("White ribbon") was founded in 1897.

Women also started to organize politically via the Swedish work- and union movement, where they were early inducted in to the movement and came to play an important role. In 1888 the first 'Women's Worker's Club' was founded in Malmö, which was followed by its Stockholm eqvivalent and a number of local women's workers club, which eventually united to form the Social Democratic Women in Sweden, and via the women's worker's club, women were in parallel included in the trade unions, uniting in the Women's Trade Union; and Alina Jägerstedt ensured that women were included as party members at the very foundation of the Swedish Social Democratic Party. The well organized Swedish working women came to play a vital part in the integration of women in the public political ad professional sphere, and there were more women active within the Social Democratic movement than any other policial party.

In 1902 the Swedish Society for Woman Suffrage was founded, supported by the Social Democratic women's Clubs. Women's suffrage was introduced in 1919-1921, followed by the Behörighetslagen in 1923, with women being formally awarded equal rights as male citizens. Between 1921 and 1971, the successor of the suffrage movement, the Svenska Kvinnors Medborgarförbund, worked to ensure that the formal laws of gender equality was enforced in practice and not remain on paper only. From 1921 to 1954, Kvinnliga medborgarskolan vid Fogelstad ('Fogelstad Citizen School for Women') held courses to educate women about their new rights as full and equal citizens and encouraged them to use their new rights.

During the interwar period, various women's magazines and organizations existed for women of all political views and classes. Women organized in the women's wings of the political parties, such as the Social Democratic Women in Sweden, Centerkvinnorna, Liberala kvinnor and the Moderate Women, through which they channeled their demands in to politics, entering the political life and voicing their interests in Parliament, and during the Interwar period both the Föreningen Kvinnolistan (Literary: 'The Women's List Association') of 1927 and the Kommittén för ökad kvinnorepresentation (Literary: 'The committee for increased women's representation') of 1937 lobbied the political parties to appoint more women to political office.

Second wave feminism and beyond

During the 1960s- and 1970s, Sweden experienced a new wave of feminism: in 1968, the Group 8 was founded and raised a number of issues within gender equality. In 1973, Women of Labour was split from Group 8. Popular culture included feminism values, such as Röda bönor.

The campaign for increased political representation of women by Kommittén för ökad kvinnorepresentation in 1937-1948 was followed by the Samarbetskommittén för ökad kvinnorepresentation (Literary: 'The Cooperation Committee for increased women's representation') in 1968 and in 1991 by the campaign of the Stödstrumporna (Literary: 'The Support stockings'), resulting in the introduction of the Varannan damernas (Literary: 'Every Other Ladies [Elective seat]') principle and almost half of the elected officials to the Parliament being women in the 1994 Swedish general election.

The late 1990s saw a renewal of feminism activity in Sweden, which was given great encouragement by the government. Left Party was particularly active to raise the question under Gudrun Schyman.

In 1997 Swedish Women's Lobby was founded by the Government of Sweden. During the 2000s, it led to feminist campaigns such as Bara Bröst and Dirty Diaries, as well as reactions such as The Gender War, a critical SVT documentary by Evin Rubar on radical feminism in Sweden.

In 2005, the Feminist Initiative was founded as a political force, centered around Gudrun Schyman, who has since the 1990s been a leading figure within Swedish feminism.

In 2017 Maria Teresa Rivera became the first woman in the world granted asylum because of being wrongly jailed for disregarding a ban on abortion. She disregarded the ban in El Salvador and was given asylum in Sweden.

Anti-gender campaigns

Sweden has increasingly seen the influence of anti-gender campaigns, which scholars identify as part of a transnational trend aimed at undermining gender equality, delegitimizing transgender rights, and attacking feminist, queer, and intersectional understandings of social justice. A key element of this development is gender-critical rhetoric, which researchers describe as a core component of anti-gender politics in Sweden. Some argue that this rhetoric functions to exclude trans and queer people, oppose the recognition of gender identity, and seek to delegitimize academic fields such as gender studies. According to Karlberg, Korolczuk, and Sältenberg (2025), these developments form part of what they call "insidious de-democratization," a gradual process through which discursive and political shifts marginalize already vulnerable groups, including trans people, migrants, and racialized minorities, while eroding liberal democratic norms.

Anti-gender views have been promoted by a range of actors in Sweden, including the right-wing Sweden Democrats and the Christian Democrats, who have opposed legal reforms strengthening transgender rights. These parties often frame their opposition in terms of national values or the protection of women. Other actors have also played a role in promoting anti-gender rhetoric. One example is the Swedish Women's Lobby (SWL), which has been criticized by advocacy groups for adopting trans-exclusionary positions and contributing to the spread of anti-gender rhetoric in Swedish public discourse. In 2025, SWL launched the Women's Platform for Action International (WoPAI), a transnational network promoting so-called "sex-based rights" and opposing what it refers to as a "pro-gender movement," a "queer agenda," and the concept of gender identity. This shift aligns with what Claire House has identified as a broader international trend beginning in the mid-2010s, where feminist actors increasingly participate in anti-gender and regressive politics, often with consequences for trans rights, a trend she illustrates, in part, by referencing the case of Sweden. The increasing normalization of anti-gender discourse has coincided with growing political violence and intimidation, particularly directed at trans advocates, feminist scholars, and racialized activists. This includes online harassment, threats, and public vilification. Researchers argue that such violence, both symbolic and physical, plays a central role in silencing dissent and undermining democratic participation.