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Perpetrators, victims, and bystanders

Classification of those involved in a genocide

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Through Cyberbullying and Ethnicity

Initial analyses of atrocities such as the Holocaust discussed these events simply as violence by perpetrators against victims. Scholars added the category of "bystander" to include people who impact, and are impacted by, mass violence but who are not clearly perpetrators or victims. Even with this added complexity, most genocide research focuses on perpetrators, in part because evidence of their behavior is most accessible to scholars. While research about bystanders' role in violence dates to the mid twentieth century, research about their role in genocide is more recent. Just as emerging research has added complexity to the triad as a whole, it continues to recognize nuance in each of the three roles.

Some researchers are expanding the triad and the situations to which the concept applies. For example, Jan Gross proposed that helpers and beneficiaries be added to the classification. The template of perpetrators, victims, and bystanders is also being applied to cyberbullying and sexual assault on college campuses. Studies of the Bystander effect and Bystander intervention have significant overlap with the study of the perpetrators, victims, and bystanders triad.

Perpetrators

Although it may seem clear who a "perpetrator" might be in an atrocity or act of violence, defining it specifically helps underscore why experts warn against assessing an atrocity as a simple battle between good and evil. Robert M. Ehrenreich and Tim Cole add to earlier scholarship from Raul Hilberg with their specific "prerequisites" for applying the perpetrator-victim-bystander triad. They also recognize that perpetrators are the most studied category, because perpetrators leave the most evidence. Ehrenreigh and Cole's definition of perpetrator, and use of these prerequisites, is heavily cited by other scholars. Their four prerequisities include the following:

  1. Perpetrators hold the most power in the area where the conflict is taking place. In addition to power, they must have "legitimacy, authority, and control within the region."
  2. Conflict, which Ehrenreich and Cole describe as "An actual or contrived stress must exist within the population of the region, which the perpetrators can exploit [to motivate support for their violence]."
  3. The perpetrators blame this "actual or contrived stress" on a specific category of people. This category is "constructed": in other words, it is not naturally occurring and the individuals within the category created by the perpetrators might not consider themselves to be grouped in the same way. It might even defy evidence at hand to assert that those individuals genuinely constitute a single homogenous group separate from others. Because of this power, Ehrenreich and Cole emphasize, "These characteristics allow the perpetrators to dictate ethnic identity."
  4. The groupings of perpetrator, victim, and bystander end when the act(s) of violence end.

The severity of a mass atrocity often relates to how rapidly perpetrators identify their victims and spring into mass violence. Using the Rwandan genocide as an example, Ehrenreich and Cole point out, "A rapid rate of destruction is preferable for the perpetrator group because it allots the least amount of time and therefore the fewest options for reaction by the victim group."

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