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Tariffs in the second Trump administration

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Through President of the United States, Supreme Court of the United States and Steel

Although the Constitution of the United States grants Congress the sole authority to levy taxes—including tariffs—since 1930, Congress has passed laws allowing the president to impose tariffs unilaterally for national security reasons.

Under Section 232 of the 1962 Trade Expansion Act, Trump raised tariffs on cars, steel, aluminum, copper, and related derivative products as high as 50%. New tariffs on large-scale batteries, cast iron and iron fittings, plastic piping, industrial chemicals and power grid and telecom equipment are under consideration.

In April 2025, Trump also claimed unprecedented authority under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) to impose Liberation Day tariffs of at least 10% on goods from nearly all countries. Trump also used the law to impose punitive tariffs against several countries and to order the early closure of the de minimis exemption. In February 2026, the Supreme Court ruled the IEEPA tariffs illegal in the case Learning Resources, Inc. v. Trump. The government collected an estimated $166 billion in IEEPA tariffs from more than 330,000 businesses that was required to be refunded.

After the decision of the Supreme Court, Trump announced a global tariff of 10% under Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974, to remain in effect for 150 days, until July 24, 2026. After a lawsuit, the United States Court of International Trade ruled that these tariffs are also illegal and the case is being appealed.

Trump invoked Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974, which allows the USTR to investigate and penalize foreign trade practices deemed unfair, to impose or threaten tariffs on goods produced using forced labor in 60 countries. He also used Section 338 of the Tariff Act of 1930 (Smoot–Hawley) to impose tariffs of 50% on motor vehicles, dairy, and alcohol imports from Canada, not presently effective.

The Trump administration argues that its tariffs will promote domestic manufacturing, protect national security, and substitute for federal income taxes. The administration views trade deficits as inherently harmful, a stance economists criticized as a flawed understanding of trade. Studies have shown that the tariffs have increased expenses and reduced earnings for companies, and have increased costs for households. The promised growth in manufacturing jobs has not been realized. Corporate bankruptcies increased to the highest level since 2010. However, although many economists predicted slower growth and even a possible recession due to the tariffs, US GDP has continued to grow. This was partially attributed to Trump's backtracking on the initial high tariff rates. There has also been no definitive indication of a significant aggregate effect on the labor market so far; however, industries most exposed to tariffs show some signs of weakness relative to the pre-2025 trend.

Background

During the 1990s and 2000s, globalization and international trade expanded as improvements in communications and shipping technology made offshoring more feasible and trade deals reduced tariffs and other barriers to commerce. Although the aggregate gains to the United States were substantial, the benefits were unevenly distributed; high-skilled workers generally prospered, while Americans with fewer skills and less geographic mobility struggled to adapt to rapid economic change.

Although U.S. manufacturing employment had been declining for decades, job losses accelerated in the 2000s after the United States normalized trade relations with China. The surge in outsourcing, alongside advancements in automation, led to localized depressions in many manufacturing-dependent communities. Laid off manufacturing workers typically did not relocate or transition into new industries, even after their communities rebounded, and instead remained unemployed long term. Research indicates that these regions became more politically polarized and that their legislators increasingly supported protectionist policies.

During the 2000s, public opinion surveys and political rhetoric began to reflect growing skepticism toward international economic integration, a trend that intensified following the 2008 financial crisis. In 2008, Barack Obama blamed NAFTA for the loss of a million jobs and stated, "we can't keep passing unfair trade deals like NAFTA that put special interests over workers' interests."

According to Jeffry Frieden, 2016 "was the first time since the 1930s that both major parties had candidates for the presidential nomination who were openly hostile to economic integration, and that any major party had an actual nominee with similar views. The victory of Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election marked the victory of an economic nationalism that had long been far from the mainstream of American politics." Trump's embrace of restrictive trade policies and broad tariffs represented a sharp departure from the Republican Party's general support for free trade over the preceding 70 years, and a partial return to the party's protectionist orientation in the early 20th century.

First Trump administration

In 2018, Trump imposed tariffs on steel and aluminum imports. He also initiated the China–United States trade war, which subjected 60% of US-China trade to 20% tariffs. Most sources say that the trade war did not achieve its goals: instead, the U.S. trade deficit widened, growth slowed, manufacturing jobs did not return, and prices rose.

In May 2019, Trump used tariff threats of up to 25% on Mexico to negotiate an expansion of his "Remain in Mexico" policy and the deployment of Mexican soldiers to help control illegal immigration. The Mexican government, led by Andrés Manuel López Obrador, deployed nearly 15,000 troops to the Mexico–US border and 6,500 troops to the Guatemala–Mexico border.

In 2020, the US, Mexico and Canada renegotiated the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) as the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA) and recommitted to 0% tariffs on most products traded between the three countries. Five weeks after the USMCA went into effect, Trump used an exemption for national security concerns to implement a 10% tariff on Canadian aluminum after claiming it was flooding the US market. He withdrew the tariff a month later, three hours before the 29th Canadian Ministry planned to retaliate.

2024 presidential campaign

During his 2024 presidential campaign, Trump pledged to impose even larger tariffs than in his first term, including 60% on China, 100% on Mexico, and 20% on all other countries. He also proposed tariffs to penalize US companies that outsourced manufacturing, such as a 200% tariff on John Deere. He proposed using tariffs to achieve a wide range of goals, including preventing war, reducing trade deficits, improving border security, and subsidizing childcare. Citing President William McKinley and his legislation on tariffs on multiple occasions, Trump would use the example to emphasize his perceived benefits from tariffs.

In April 2025, Trump suggested tariff revenues could eventually replace income taxes, at least for those making less than $200,000 per year. Economists disagreed; the Tax Foundation deemed the idea "mathematically impossible".

Shortly after the 2024 United States presidential election, Trump acknowledged that tariffs might cause "some pain" for Americans but said, "it will all be worth the price that must be paid".

In December 2024, Trump appointed tariff hard liner Peter Navarro as his Senior Counselor for Trade and Manufacturing. Stephen Miran, another tariff hard liner, was appointed chair of the Council of Economic Advisers.

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