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Witchcraft in Africa

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The term witchcraft has been criticised by some anthropologists for being overly generic and obfuscating local conceptualisations and practices. Monica Wilson wrote that witchcraft was the inversion of accepted behavioural norms, and the "wilful misdirection of the mystical powers" innate to each person. W.M.J. Binsbergen differentiated between "anti-personal witchcraft" (someone causing another's misfortunes, between whom there is existing tension) and "impersonal witchcraft" (reckless pursuit of self-interested gain through manipulation). Earlier generations of scholars emphasised African witchcraft as serving to maintain "social and cosmological order", while recent scholars have interpreted African witchcraft as critical social commentary on modernity and postcolonial capitalism. Accused witches are often ostracised or subject to physical harm such as assault or murder. In parts of Africa, beliefs about illness being caused by witchcraft continue to fuel suspicion of modern medicine, with serious healthcare consequences.

In the Central African Republic, hundreds of people are convicted of witchcraft yearly, with reports of violence against accused women. In west Kenya, there have been cases of accused witches being burned to death in their homes by mobs. Malawi faces a similar issue of child witchcraft accusations, with traditional healers and some Christian counterparts involved in exorcisms, causing abandonment and abuse of children.

In Nigeria, Pentecostal pastors have intertwined Christianity with witchcraft beliefs for profit, leading to the torture and killing of accused children. Sierra Leone's Mende people see witchcraft convictions as beneficial, as the accused receive support and care from the community. In precolonial Tio society (modern-day Republic of Congo), evil was believed to be caused by spirits called apfu, and illness and death caused by witchcraft, with the threat of feuds and witchcraft accusations fostering the unity of a household or village. In Zulu culture, healers known as sangomas protect people from witchcraft and evil spirits through divination, rituals and mediumship.

Description and analysis

In Africa, beliefs and practices surrounding witchcraft vary both historically and between local groups, though such conceptualisations share in common the notion of certain individuals using supernatural powers to purposefully harm others. The term witchcraft has been criticised by some anthropologists for obfuscating local variations. E. E. Evans-Pritchard, an early-20th century English anthropologist who studied Azande witchcraft, differentiated between "witchcraft" (a metaphysical substance inside certain people that flew about at night and harmed others) and "sorcery" (the learned, instrumental use of spells, rituals, or medicines to cause harm to others).

South African anthropologist Monica Wilson wrote that witchcraft was the inversion of accepted behavioural norms, and the "wilful misdirection of the mystical powers" innate to each person. Zambian historian Mutumba Mainga wrote that witchcraft and divination "may be described as a denial, rather than a form, of religion", as they reject sacredness and worship, and said that they serve to give adherents control over their lives. Other scholars have argued that witchcraft is religious, though according to anthropologist James H. Smith this is not the commonly-held view in African societies.

In much of Africa, witchcraft constitutes an important dimension of social reality, and is intertwined with politics and economics. Evans-Pritchard argued that, contrary to colonial authorities who viewed African witchcraft as "backward" and "irrational", it is rational and compatible with empirical evidence as it addresses "why" misfortune occurs rather than "how", and has a coherent logical system. Early generations of scholars emphasised African witchcraft as functioning to maintain "social and cosmological order", as the threat of witchcraft accusations encourages social togetherness, while accusations themselves serve as a medium through which to voice grievances.

Witches are thought to be motivated by, among other reasons, envy (rooted in a zero-sum worldview due to scarce resources), enforcement of norms, revenge, or antisocial tendencies, while accusations can similarly be motivated by envy or high economic inequality, rivalry, retribution, or other recognisable social factors. Vulnerable groups are often the target of accusations, such as older women and widows who are viewed as behaving "oddly", and sometimes abnormal or unwanted children.

Trials by ordeal or divination are sometimes used to help identify witches, and accused witches are often ostracised or subject to physical harm such as assault or murder. With the decline in power of traditional/precolonial-era courts and customary law, failure to incorporate witchcraft beliefs into national/state legal systems (along with colonial-era laws that criminalise accusations) has led to an increase in vigilante witch-killings and mob violence, which tends to get substantial media coverage.

Scholars in the 2000s have interpreted African witchcraft as critical social commentary on modernity and postcolonial capitalism and violence, possibly influenced by the values of reciprocity in kinship systems. Witchcraft is often associated with the rich and powerful, namely the abuse of power and the "accumulation of wealth without sweat". Dutch anthropologist W.M.J. Van Binsbergen differentiated between "anti-personal" and "impersonal" witchcraft, where anti-personal witchcraft involves misfortunes caused by another person with whom there is existing tension, while impersonal witchcraft constitutes "the reckless manipulation of human material for strictly individual purposes". Female witches are generally ostracised, while male witches (or "wizards") who hold public positions are tolerated as they are considered too powerful to curtail. Witchcraft is not viewed as only affecting African societies, but as a global phenomenon; ideologies and practices that contribute to development in Western societies such as individualism, privatisation, and land expropriation are often viewed as "forms and/or engines of witchcraft". Several scholars have argued that belief in witchcraft has had a negative effect on development, and practical-theologist Frederick Kakwata has advocated for pastors to consider the spiritual dimension of poverty among those affected. David Ngong, a scholar of African Christianity, has lamented what he views as anthropologists' and Christian preachers' legitimisation and normalisation of witchcraft, describing it as a worldview that "is not conducive to the economic development of the continent and its enhanced position in the modern world".

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