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History of Filipino Americans

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Through American Civil War, Great Depression and World War II

Mass migration of Filipinos to the United States began in the early 20th century due to Filipinos being U.S. nationals. These included Filipinos who enlisted as sailors of the United States Navy, pensionados, and laborers. During the Great Depression, Filipino Americans became targets of race-based violence, including race riots such as the one in Watsonville. The Philippine Independence Act was passed in 1934, redefining Filipinos as aliens for immigration; this encouraged Filipinos to return to the Philippines and established the Commonwealth of the Philippines. During World War II, the Philippines were occupied leading to resistance, the formation of segregated Filipino regiments, and the liberation of the islands.

After World War II, the Philippines gained independence in 1946. Benefits for most Filipino veterans were rescinded with the Rescission Act of 1946. Filipinos, primarily war brides, immigrated to the United States; further immigration was set to 100 persons a year due to the Luce–Celler Act of 1946, this though did not limit the number of Filipinos able to enlist into the United States Navy. In 1965, Filipino agricultural laborers, including Larry Itliong and Philip Vera Cruz, began the Delano grape strike. That same year the 100-person per year quota of Filipino immigrants was lifted, which began the current immigration wave; many of these immigrants were nurses. Filipino Americans began to become better integrated into American society, achieving many firsts. In 1992, the enlistment of Filipinos in the Philippines into the United States ended. By the early 21st century, Filipino American History Month was recognized.

Immigration history

Migration patterns of Filipinos to the U.S. have been recognized as occurring in four significant waves. The first was connected to the period when the Philippines was part of New Spain and later the Spanish East Indies; Filipinos, via the Manila galleons, would migrate to North America. The first permanent settlement of Filipinos in the U.S. is in Louisiana specifically the independent community of Saint Malo. During the California Gold Rush, about a hundred filipinos were present in Mariposa County. In the late 19th century, the author Ramon Reyes Lala became the first Filipino to naturalize and become an American citizen, settling in La Jolla The 1910 United States census recorded only 406 people of Filipino descent in the mainland U.S., including 109 in Louisiana and 17 in Washington state.

The second wave was when the Philippines was a territory of the United States; as U.S. nationals, Filipinos were unrestricted from immigrating to the U.S. by the Immigration Act of 1917 which restricted other Asians. This wave of immigration has been referred to as the manong generation. Filipinos of this wave came for different reasons, but the majority were laborers, predominantly Ilocano and Visayans. This wave of immigration was distinct from other Asian Americans, due to American influences, and education, in the Philippines; therefore they did not see themselves as aliens when they immigrated to the United States. By 1920, the Filipino population in the mainland U.S. rose from nearly 400 to over 5,600. Then in 1930, the Filipino American population exceeded 45,000, including over 30,000 in California and 3,400 in Washington. During the early 20th century, anti-miscegenation laws began to impact Filipino Americans attempting to marry non-Filipinos, with some able to legalize their unions, and others not; in 1933 California amended its laws to specify that Filipinos could not marry Whites.

During the Great Depression, Filipino Americans were also affected, losing jobs, and being the target of race-based violence. This wave of immigration ended due to the Philippine Independence Act in 1934, which restricted immigration to 50 persons a year. The Filipino Repatriation Act of 1935 further aimed to reduce the number of Filipinos living in the United States by giving them free passage back to the Philippines, but it was viewed as largely unsuccessful, with only 1,900 out of over 45,000 Filipinos registered in the Census taking up the offer.

Beginning in 1901, Filipinos were allowed to enlist in the U.S. Navy. While serving, Filipino sailors would bring over their spouse from the Philippines, or marry a spouse in the U.S., parenting and raising children who would be part of a distinct Navy-related Filipino American immigrant community. Before the end of World War I, Filipino sailors were allowed to serve in several ratings; however, due to a rule change during the interwar period, Filipino sailors were restricted to officers' stewards and mess attendants. Filipinos who immigrated to the United States, due to their military service, were exempt from quota restrictions placed on Filipino immigration at the time. This ended in 1946, following the independence of the Philippines from the U.S., but resumed in 1947 due to language inserted into the Military Base Agreement between the U.S. and the Republic of the Philippines. In 1973, Admiral Elmo Zumwalt removed the restrictions on Filipino sailors, allowing them to enter any rate they qualified for; by 1976 there were about 17,000 Filipinos serving in the U.S. Navy. Navy-based immigration of Philippine citizens stopped with the expiration of the Military Bases Agreement in 1992.

The third wave of immigration followed the events of World War II. During World War II, over 250,000 Filipinos served with the United States military. Filipinos who had served in World War II were given the option of becoming U.S. citizens, and many took the opportunity, over 10,000 according to Barkan. Filipina war brides were allowed to immigrate to the U.S. due to the War Brides Act and Alien Fiancées and Fiancés Act, with approximately 16,000 Filipinas entering the U.S. in the years following the war. This immigration was not limited to Filipinas and children; between 1946 and 1950, one Filipino groom was granted immigration under the War Brides Act. A source of immigration was opened up with the Luce–Celler Act, that gave the Philippines a quota of 100 persons a year; yet records show that 32,201 Filipinos immigrated between 1953 and 1965. Miscegenation laws in the United States prevented Filipinos marrying American women, despite this many Filipino males who served in the United States military cohabited and had children with white women. The laws prevented interracial marriage with Filipinos continued until 1948 in California; this extended nationally in 1967 when anti-miscegenation laws were struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court by Loving v. Virginia. This wave ended in 1965.

The fourth and present wave of immigration began in 1965 with the passing of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965. It ended national quotas, and provided an unlimited number of visas for family reunification. By the 1970s and 1980s, the immigration of Filipina wives of service members reached annual rates of five to eight thousand. The Philippines became the largest source of legal immigration to the U.S. from Asia. Many Filipinas of this new wave of migration have migrated here as professionals due to a shortage in qualified nurses; from 1966 until 1991, at least 35,000 Filipino nurses immigrated to the U.S. As of 2005, 55% of foreign-trained registered nurses taking the qualifying exam administered by the Commission on Graduates of Foreign Nursing Schools (CGFNS) were educated in the Philippines. Although Filipinos made up 24 percent of foreign physicians entering the U.S. in 1970, Filipino physicians experienced widespread underemployment in the 1970s due to the requirement of passing the Educational Commission for Foreign Medical Graduates (ECFMG) exam to practice in the U.S. Some Filipino immigrants to the United States experience a culture shock once arriving, however many Filipinos who are already educated in English in the Philippines can efficiently communicate once in the United States.

In 2016, 50,609 Filipinos obtained their lawful permanent residency, according to the U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Of those Filipinos receiving their lawful permanent residency status in 2016, 66% were new arrivals, while 34% were immigrants who adjusted their status within the U.S. In 2016, data collected from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security found that the categories of admission for Filipino immigrants were composed mainly of immediate relatives, that is 57% of admissions. This makes the admission of immediate relatives for Filipinos higher than the overall average lawful permanent resident immigrants, which is composed of only 47.9%. Following immediate relative admission, family sponsored and employment-based admission make up the next highest means of entry for Philippine immigration, with 28% and 14% respectively. Like immediate relative admission, both of these categories are higher than that of the overall U.S. lawful permanent resident immigrants. Diversity, refugees and asylum, and other categories of admission make up less than one percent of Filipino immigrants granted lawful permanent resident status in 2016.

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