Kingdom of Beni Abbas

The fall of the Mokranis, 1830-1872

After the fall of Algiers

News of the fall of Hussein Dey spread rapidly across the country, carried by defeated tribesmen returning to their homelands. As the Turkish elite enjoyed no public sympathy, a series of uprisings threatened the foundations of Algerian society. This period of turbulence saw the strengthening of traditional tribal confederations and social arrangements which the Regency of Algiers had worked to diminish. Aside from the tribal confederations in the mountainous regions, it was the traditional marabout elements and the hereditary leadership, known as the "djouad" – which included the Mokrani – who took the lead in reasserting their positions.

In the west of the country, it was the marabouts who predominated, leading to the emergence of Emir Abdelkader. In the east, the "djouad" were more firmly established, as was the Beylik of Constantine. The resilience of the beylik was largely due to the flexible policies of Ahmed Bey and his advisors, who relied on the leading feudal chieftains. Nevertheless, even here there was a tribal rebellion against him. This divided the Mokrani family, as Abdesselem Mokrani supported the rebels in the name of Ben Abdallah Mokrani, Sheikh of the Medjana. His cousin and rival Ahmed Mokrani, however, remained loyal to Ahmed Bey. He and other chiefs allied to the Bey, including sheikh Bengana, managed to win back or bribe various rebel tribes, so that their insurrection came to nothing.

In 1831, Abdesselem Mokrani and his allies proposed that the French recognise their authority, in return for a military effort that they hoped would help them get rid of Ahmed Bey. The French would not entertain this proposal however. A similar letter sent to the Bey of Tunis Al-Husayn II ibn Mahmud was intercepted by Ahmed Bey. Abdesselem Mokrani was subsequently captured and imprisoned in Constantine. Ahmed Mokrani was appointed sheikh of the Medjana by Ahmed Bey, in the place of Ben Abdallah Mokrani who soon died. Ahmed Mokrani took part in the defence of Constantine in 1836, and again when the city fell to the French in 1837. His rival Abdesselem Mokrani, took advantage of the chaos to escape from Constantine in 1837.

The period of the khalifas

Ahmed Mokrani followed Ahmed Bey and fled to the south before returning to his territory and falling back on the Kalâa of Ait Abbas; his rival Abdesselem Mokrani meanwhile took possession of the Medjana plain. In December 1837, when the Emir Abdelkader arrived in the Biban mountains to organise the administration of a region he considered to be part of his realm, each of the rivals offered allegiance to him if he would agree to their respective terms. As Abdesselem Mokrani was in a better position, it was he whom Abdelkader recognised as "khalifa of the Medjana." Ahmed Mokrani was unable to overthrow his cousin, who was supported by the Hachem, the Ouled Madi of Msila and the marabouts. Even the Aït Abbas tribe, until then favouring Ahmed Mokrani, saw unrest grow against him in Ighil Ali, Tazaert and Azrou. To avoid being cut off in the Kalaa, he had to take refuge with the neighbouring Beni Yadel tribe at El Main. In the end, he was captured by Abdesselem Mokrani who exiled him to the Hodna.

At the end of July 1838, Ahmed Mokrani escaped and presented himself to the French authorities in Constantine. Having been appointed caïd by them, he was also given, on 30 September, the title "khalifa of the Medjana" by the French, who had by now occupied Sétif. The title "khalifa" was used only in territories where the French did not exercise direct rule and which enjoyed the same privileges as they had under the Beylik of Constantine. "Khalifas" received local taxes on behalf of the state, maintained a guard of spahis paid for by France and governed their people according to Islamic law. These allies were invaluable to the French as supporters of their rule in a country they barely yet knew.

In 1838 Abdesselem Mokrani was dismissed by Emir Abdelkader and replaced by his "khodja" (secretary), a man of marabout rather than noble pedigree. This was considered an affront for a "djouad", but was accepted by Abdesselem Mokrani as a means of blocking the advances of his cousin Ahmed Mokrani who was extending his alliances and influence. Ahmed encouraged the French to conduct the Iron Gates expedition in October 1839, to take control of this strategic route through the Biban mountains. Ahmed ensured that his vassals in the area allowed the French army to pass through unmolested. Using this route allowed the French to take more effective control of the area and to link Algiers with Constantine. Abdesselem Mokrani was left with no real support, Ahmed Mokrani had rebuilt his domain with French assistance. Emir Abdelkader considered the Iron Gates to be part of his own territory and therefore declared war on France and on the local chiefs who supported her. The resulting conflict had serious consequences for the Medjana, and Ahmed Mokrani, allied to the French, was forced to retreat into the Kalâa of Ait Abbas. The followers of Abdelkader were finally repulsed in 1841. After this Ahmed Mokrani ruled his territories with little regard for French authority, remaining however in contact with captain Dargent in the base at Sétif

His standing as a French ally continued to change. A French Royal ordinance of 15 April 1845 superseded the decrees of 1838 and gave him the status of a high official. Some tribes of the Ouled Naïl, Aït Yaala, Qsar, Sebkra, Beni Mansour, Beni Mellikech and the Biban mountains were detached from his command and placed under the authority of more pliable nobles or caïds. In 1849, the tribes of the Hodna were similarly removed from his control. It was against this background that one of the leading figures of kabylie resistance to the French emerged in the person of Chérif Boubaghla. In 1851 he began moving through the Medjana plain, the Kalaa, and the lands of the Beni Mellikech who had still not submitted to the French. Though the intermediary of a man named Djersba Ben Bouda, who was intendant of the Kalaa, Boubaghla sent Ahmed Mokrani a letter proposing war against the French, but the "khalifa" did not take this proposal seriously. Instead, he provided support for the columns of French troops sent to defeat Boubaghla in 1854. He took advantage of this action to punish certain Aït Abbas villages which in the past had been loyal to his rival Abdesselem, by accusing them of supporting Boubaghla. He died in 1854 at Marseille while returning from a visit to France, and his son Mohamed Mokrani was named Bachagha.

Collapse of Mokrani authority

The title "bachagha" (Turkish: başağa, chief commander) was a creation of the French authorities, denoting an intermediate status between "caid" and "khalifa". The "khalifas", still of major importance, were later phased out. The French continued to appoint "caids" and commanders for the tribes previously assigned to Ahmed Mokrani.

In 1858, he was obliged to turn over some fines which he had collected in his own name to the French treasury. The zakat tax, already paid in kind to the Mokranis, was introduced in the Bordj Bou Arreridj region. The Hachem tribe was also obliged to pay the "achour" (tithe), and eventually, the Mokrani themselves were brought under the cash payment system. In 1858 and 1859 they were granted an exemption, however, ostensibly because of poor harvests, but in fact in order to accommodate them politically.

Finally, the "oukil" or local agents of the Mokrani were replaced by caïds or sheikhs appointed directly by the colonial administration. 1859 and 1860 saw the suppression of the right of feudal lords to administer and the right to the "khedma", which traditionally allowed the beneficiary to claim a fee in return for bearing letters or orders from the administration (formerly, on behalf of the Bey). These measures provoked discontent among the traditional chiefs allied to France, but they still sought to avoid armed conflict and hoped that the French would continue to let them administer the territory. The reassuring official statements from the French government and from Napoleon III about the role of the Algerian feudal nobility were unconvincing and unsupported by deeds. The transfer from military to civilian rule prompted Mohamed Mokrani to resign from his position as bachagha, and by 1870 he had begun to seriously consider rebellion.

In parallel with the political situation, the years 1865 and 1866 were a social disaster for Algeria, where they were commonly referred to as "am ech cher" (the years of misery). A plague of locusts followed by a drought plunged the country into famine, followed by epidemics of cholera and typhus. The traditional leaders emptied their personal granaries to feed their people, and once these were exhausted, borrowed to keep them supplied. These loans were later to place Mohamed Mokrani in difficulties.

On 15 March 1871 Mohamed Mokrani joined the revolt of the spahis in eastern Algeria. He sent 6000 men to attack Bordj Bou Arreridj, which he besieged and burned. On 8 April he was joined in revolt by the Rahmaniyya brotherhood under its leader Sheikh Aheddad. The whole of eastern Algeria now rose, from the outskirts of Algiers itself to Collo, with 150,000 Kabylies under arms at the height of the rebellion. However, divisions between feudal and religious leaders, as well as mistrust between tribes, meant that these forces could not be mobilised to strike decisively against the French. Even with much inferior forces, the better-armed French were able to relieve towns under siege. Mohamed Mokrani died on 5 May 1871 at Oued Soufflat, near Bouira, during a battle against the French army, and his body was immediately taken to the Kalâa of Ait Abbas. The Kalaa itself, impregnable since the 16th century, surrendered on 22 July 1871. Boumezrag Mokrani, brother and successor of Mohamed Mokrani, struggled to pursue the rebellion in Kabylie, and then in the Hodna. Seeking to escape with his followers to Tunisia, he was finally arrested at Ouargla on 20 January 1872. The suppression and expropriation of the Mokranis marked the final extinction of their political role and their dominion over the region.

Relations with neighbours

Spain

The Kingdom of Ait Abbas owed its founding to the withdrawal of the Hafsid Emir of Béjaïa, Aberrahmane, in 1510, following the conquest of the city by the Spanish under Pedro Navarro. Abderrahmane retreated to the Hautes Plaines, from where, centuries before, Zirid and Hammadid power had originated. This base allowed him to shelter from Spanish raids and organise a resistance to prevent them penetrating more deeply unto the country. However, with the arrival and growing influence of the Ottoman Empire in Algiers, he gradually established relations with the Spanish based in Béjaïa, and eventually entered into a formal alliance with them. This provoked the hostility of the Regency of Algiers which sent an expedition against him in 1516, prompting him to break the alliance with Spain. After the fall of Béjaïa to Salah Raïs in 1555, Abderrahmane's successor Abdelaziz acquired artillery and welcomed a 1000-strong Spanish militia to reinforce his armies, particularly during the Second Battle of Kalaa of the Beni Abbes (1559). However, after the Battle of Djerba in 1560, Spanish power was significantly reduced by the Ottomans, and while they retained control of Oran, the Spanish no longer pursued ambitions in eastern Algeria. Nevertheless, the Kingdom of Ait Abbas maintained an ambassador in Spain as well as at the Ottoman court, ensuring that the kabyle language had a presence outside its homeland.

Kingdom of Kuku

The Kingdom of Kuku established itself in Kabylie on the other side of the Soummam valley, where it became a rival of the Kingdom of the Ait Abbas for control of the region. This division gave an advantage to the Ottomans in Algiers. The Kingdom of Kuku, led by Ahmed Belkadi, was allied to the Ottomans and helped them establish the Regency before 1519. That year, to counter the Regency's growing influence, Belkadi allied himself with the Hafsid sultan of Tunis and inflicted a serious defeat on Hayreddin Barbarossa. This victory opened the gates of Algiers to him from 1519 to 1527. These developments did not lead to any degree of rapprochement between the two Kabyle kingdoms. In 1559, Kuku formed an alliance with Algiers to limit the growing influence of the Sultan of the Kalaa.

Regency of Algiers

In the 16th century, the sultan of the Kalâa was a source of constant concern to the Regency of Algiers, considering his important influence in Kabylie, the high plateau of the interior and the Sahara. They were briefly allies in the early 16th century when the Kingdom of Kuku occupied Algiers from 1520-1527, as well as for the expeditions to Tlemcen in 1551 and Touggourt in 1552. However, despite these alliances, there were many armed conflicts in the late 16th and the early 17th centuries. Algiers could not succeed in taking the Kalâa, and had to content itself with receiving tribute in recognition of its pre-eminence. In the 17th-century sultan Bouzid, strengthened by his military success, was able to require Algiers to pay him the "ouadia" to secure passage of its troops, merchants and dignitaries because of his control of the Iron Gates pass through the Biban mountains. This was the only instance in the country where the Turkish-held cities paid tribute to the local tribespeople. This relative independence continued until the end of the 18th century, when divisions and internal battles among the Mokranis meant that most of them ended up as vassals of Constantine, which granted them titles of caïd and assigned them to rule over tribes in the Hautes Plaines. The Beys of Constantine cleverly cultivated minor branches of the Mokrani family, so as to ensure that the Sheikh of the Medjana was not a serious threat. The matrimonial alliance of the Mokranis with Ahmed Bey caused further disorder.

The Sahara

From the 16th century, sultan Ahmed Amokrane pushed his forces into the Sahara where they clashed with the Douaouida confederation and conquered their lands. He managed to command the loyalty of some of the local tribes and appointed a khalifa in the South. However control over the Zibans, Ouargla and Touggourt dissipated after the death of Ahmed Amokrane and his successor Sidi Naceur abandoned the South, where henceforth the Douaouida chief Ahmed Ben Ali, known as Bou Okkaz, dominated the region. He gave his daughter in marriage to Sidi Naceur and his grandson Ben Sakheri was the victor at the battle of Guidjel (1638) against the Bey of Constantine. During the following centuries, commercial relations were maintained between the Aït Abbas, the Aït Yaala and the oases of the south, particularly Bou Saâda.

Social basis of power

Traditional kabyle society was an agglomeration of "village republics" running their own affairs through village councils ("tajamâat"), gathered together in tribes. These tribes maintained links with the prevailing local dynasties, such as the Zirids, Hammadids and Hafsids. They were also organised into domains that the Spanish, after taking Béjaïa, termed the "kingdoms" of Aït Abbas, Kuku and Abdeldjebbar. Both Kuku and the Kingdom of Ait Abbas came into being in a society where the norm was for small self-governing 'republics', jealously guarding their independence. There were however earlier historic examples of larger Kabyle polities being formed; for example, during the Hafsid period, around 1340, a woman leader had wielded power, supported by her sons, among the Aït Iraten.

Rural kabyle communities had to preserve their autonomy, particularly in terms of resources such as their forests, from the hegemony of local lords, while at the same time they had to support them sufficiently in the face of pressure from the central government of the Regency of Algiers. The Aït Abbas, Hachem and Ayad tribes were recognised as tributaries of the Mokrani, and the Deys of Algiers tacitly recognised the independence of the Mokranis by not demanding tax revenues from these tribes. The kabyle "village republics" based in their "tajamâat" were neither an immutable structure in kabyle society nor a form of kabyle particularism but a result of the fall of the Hafsid state in the region.

The Mokrani (or in kabyle the "Aït Mokrane") were a warrior aristocracy which was not alone in seeking to establish and maintain its authority over the people. Religious movements also exerted considerable power, most notably that of the family of Ben Ali Chérif in the Soummam valley. Marabouts and religious confraternities also played a major role, among them the Rahmaniyya, founded in 1774. It was with this fraternity's support that Mohamed Mokrani launched his revolt in 1871. Support was not uniform however. Hocine El Wartilani, an 18th-century thinker from the Aït Ourtilane tribe, issued a formal opinion in 1765, circulated among the kabyles under Mokrani rule, which said they had grown tyrannical to the people to avenge themselves for the loss of their supremacy in the region following the assassination of their forefather Sidi Naceur Mokrani, and his descendants carried out a form of vengeance on the region.

For their part, following on the practices of their ancestors (in Berber "imgharen Naït Abbas"), the Mokranis helped the local population by providing a minimum level of assistance to those who came to the Kalâa to seek help. This tradition dated back to the first Aït Abbas princes. It appears that the Aït Abbas tribe itself was founded at the same time as the Kalâa, shortly after the fall of Béjaïa to the Spanish in 1510. The Hafsid emirs of Béjaïa set themselves up on the Kalâa and gathered around them a new tribe of loyalists in their chosen centre of power. In the 17th century, kabyle society was profoundly changed by the influx of people fleeing the authority of the Regency; this helped to give it the characteristics of an overpopulated mountain region which it was to retain until the period of independence.

Flags and Emblems

There is no exhaustive study of the flags or emblems of the Ait Abbas kingdom, while various sources have reported flags attributed to the reigning family of the kingdom (the Mokrani).

In a map by the Portuguese cartographer Teixeira Domingos, dating from 1570, a striped flag (yellow and blue) is attributed to the region of Bugia (Bejaia).

In "Legendary Algeria" by Corneille Trumelet, the author described the flag of the lords of Medjana in the eighteenth century (the Mokrani), as follows: a flag with three stripes, one green and two red, with their motto edged with gold in the center: "El-Kheir en-Nasirin" (God is the best helper).

In 1844, the French painter Adrien Dauzats mentioned in his painting "The Taking of Setif during the Conquest of Algeria, 21st October 1839, 1844", two flags in green and red. Flags that he attributed to the Khalifat of Medjana (Ahmed El Mokrani) in his book "Diary of the expedition of the Iron Gates".

Paul Gaffarel indicates in "Algeria - History, Conquest and Colonization" that a Mokrani who had been invited by Napoleon III before 1871, carried a white flag with a golden fleur-de-lys. The Academy of Sciences, Letters and Arts of Arras assures that the Mokrani family's coat of arms was the fleur de lys (⚜).

Laurent-Charles Feraud indicates in the "Histoire Des Villes de la Province de Constantine" that during the period of the Bey and the first years of French colonization, the Mokrani had as their distinctive insignia, a silk standard, in the middle of which were written in gold letters "Help comes from God, and victory is near".

The flag captured by the French army in the Djurdjura mountains during the conquest of Algeria is also known, although currently lost. It is not certain whether this was the flag used by Beni Abbas or the nearby kingdom of Kuku. The flag consisted of a red field with white hamsa in the center and four crescent moons in the corners. The symbols from this flag were adopted in the French army as the pennant of the 14th company in the 4th battalion.

Written culture

The Kalâa of Ait Abbas was known in Berber as "l'qelâa taƐassamt", or "fortress of wonders", indicating its status as a prestigious centre in the region. Indeed, the Kalâa and the Buban mountains were the seat of an active intellectual life.

Although kabyle culture was predominantly oral, a network of zaouïas, were home to a substantial written culture as well. The most noteworthy example was the Aït Yaâla tribe, whose reputation was summed up in the local saying "In the lands of the Beni Yaala, religious scholars ("oulema") grow like the grass in Spring." Some compared the level of learning of the Aït Yaala with that of the universities of Zitouna in Tunis or Qaraouiyine in Fès. The surprising degree of literacy and the flourishing of a written culture may be attributed in part to the way urban elites from the coastal cities used the mountains as a refuge in hostile political conditions. Links with Béjaïa were important in this respect, as was the influx of refugees from al-Andalus after the Reconquista. It certainly predates any Ottoman influence.

The use of writing was not however confined to an educated elite. Before the French conquest of Algeria, nearly all of the Aït Yaala owned deeds to their land or contracts drawn up by cadis or other literate people. Laurent-Charles Féraud likewise reported that individuals still held property deeds issued by the administration of Ahmed Amokrane in the 19th century. The 19th century library of Cheikh El Mouhoub is another indication of the extent of literacy in Berber society; it contained more than 500 manuscripts from different periods on subjects including fiqh, literature, astronomy, mathematics, botany and medicine.

Among the Aït Yaala, libraries were known in kabyle as "tarma". This word is certainly of Mediterranean origin and is used from Iraq to Peru to designate libraries. It is testament not only to the cultural enrichment brought to the region by refugees from al-Andalus and of literati from Béjaïa, but also of the extent to which local people travelled; far from being secluded in their villages, they had links with the wider world.

Architecture

The villages of the region are characterised by a certain urban refinement unusual in Berber villages, and this legacy originates with the Kingdom of Ait Abbas. The houses of Ighil Ali are similar to those in the casbah of Constantine; the houses are of two stories, with balconies and arcades. The streets are narrow and paved, in contrast to the spaciousness of the dwellings. The doorways are built of hardwood, studded with floral and other patterns.

The houses of the Kalâa are described as being of stone and tiled. According to Charles Farine who visited in the nineteenth century, the houses were spacious, with interior courtyards, shaded with trees and climbing plants which reached the balconies. The walls were covered with lime. The Kalâa echoed some of the architectural features of kabyle villages, on a larger scale, with the addition of fortifications, artillery posts and watchtowers, barracks, armouries and stables for the cavalry. The Kalâa also has a mosque with Berber-Andalusian architecture, still preserved.

The building of military installations took place largely under Abdelaziz El Abbès in the sixteenth century, including the casbah mounted with four wide-calibre cannon and the curtain wall, ere ted after the First Battle of Kalaa of the Beni Abbes (1553). Today the Kalâa is in a degraded condition because of bombardments during fighting with the French, and 3/5 of the buildings are in ruins.

Economy

Natural resources and agriculture

The traditional kabyle economy which prevailed until the 19th century was based on a relative poverty of natural resources, combined with a relatively high population density - a contrast which had been noted since the time of Ibn Khaldun. The land was mountainous with little arable space, and agriculture was vulnerable to natural disasters such as drought as well as political events such as armed conflict. This fragile system maintained its viability through specific forms of social organisation, including how land was inherited. While horticulture and arboriculture were key activities however, the poverty of resources meant that there was also a great deal of artisanal and commercial activity in the region.

The Mokrani extended their power from the Kalaa to the Medjana plain (known in kabyle as the Tamejjant) to the south, which was more extensive and more fertile than their home territory. Here, at a large scale, they cultivated olives for their oil which was traded as well as used in local crafts. Cereals, figs and grapes were also grown and dried for storage and trade. Their territory also produced a great quantity of prickly pear. Sheep were also raised for wool.

These conditions allowed for division of labour and specialism between the mountainous areas and the plains, with exchange taking place principally in the market towns. In times of peace, this trade was of great benefit to the Kabyles. Agricultural work was undertaken almost exclusively within the family unit, without use of additional labour except in exceptional cases where families might provide mutual aid for each other. This agricultural practice was known as tiwizi. The scarcity of arable soil compelled the peasants to exploit the smallest plots. Trees and grasses played a key role, allowing them to produce fruits and olive oil and raise cattle, sheep and goats. Links with the landowners of the plains kept them provisioned with wheat and barley, their staple foods. A junior marabout branch of the Mokrani family, near Béjaïa, controlled the rights (known as the karasta) to exploit local forests on behalf of the Ottoman navy.

Commerce

There were a number of weekly Berber markets, which served as places of local exchange. The Aït Abbas had four, including the Thursday market at the Kalâa. To the south, the Sunday market at Bordj Bou Arreridj drew merchants and clients from a wide surrounding area.

The Kingdom of the Ait Abbas controlled the Iron Gates pass on the Algiers-Constantine road, and levied the ouadia on those passing through it. The Kalaa also stood on the 'Sultan's Road' (triq sultan) which linked Béjaïa with the south and had formed the route of the mehalla, the regular tax-raising expedition, since the Middle Ages. By the sixteenth century the kingdom's merchants (ijelladen) were trading grain with the Spanish enclave of Béjaïa, while trans-Saharan trade, centred on Bousaada and M'sila, was conducted by the merchants of Aït Abbas, Aït Yaala and Aït Ourtilane. The kabyle tribes exported oil, weapons, burnous, soap and wooden utensils, exchanging them for wool, henna and dates.

Commercial links existed likewise with the cities under the Regency of Algiers, notably Constantine, where Aït Yaala, Aït Yadel et Aït Ourtilane merchants did business. Aït Abbas armourers supplied Ahmed Bey with weapons. Like the Aït Yaala and the Aït Ourtilane, the Aït Abbas maintained a fondouk in Constantine. Although the Aït Yaala also operated one in Mascara, the merchants preferred Béjaïa, their natural outlet to the Mediterranean. Overseas, the Aït Abbas and Aït Ourtilane sold their bournouses in Tunis and in Morocco. Overseas trade also brought materials of superior quality to the Kingdom, such as European iron.

Arts and crafts

The Aït Abbas tribe was famed for its riches, its commerce and its manufactures, and it is likely that the Mokrani family invested in a wide range of these, including the manufacture of firearms.

As well as farming, the blacksmiths (iḥeddaden) of the Kabyle tribes had always manufactured whatever tools they needed locally, while also using this activity to generate surplus income. Iron working and other metal craft existed in several tribes, and indeed some, like the Aït Abbas, specialised in it.

The forests of Kabylie allowed for the extraction of timber, used in the craft manufacture of doors, roofs, furniture and chests and exported to the shipyards of the Tunisian, Egyptian and Ottoman navies. Local wool supported cottage industries, mostly of women, in the making of clothes such as the burnous, carpets and covers. Other industries included pottery, tiles, basket weaving, salt extraction, soap, and plaster.

Old secondary sources

• Rinn, Louis (1891). Histoire de l'insurrection de 1871 en Algérie. Algiers: Librairie Adolphe Jourdan.
• Féraud, Laurent-Charles [in French] (2011) [1872]. Histoire Des Villes de la Province de Constantine: Sétif, Bordj-Bou-Arreridj, Msila, Boussaâda. Vol. 5. Constantine: Arnolet. ISBN 978-2-296-54115-3.
• Lecesne, P. (1872). "Les armoiries dans les troupes romaines". Mémoires de l'Académie des sciences, lettres et arts d'Arras. II (in French). V: 290–. Retrieved 6 December 2020 – via Gallica.

Primary sources

• Piesse, Louis (1862). Itinéraire historique et descriptif de l'Algérie, comprenant le Tell et le Sahara: 1830-1871. Paris: Hachette.
• Carette, Ernest [in French] (1849). Études sur la Kabilie. Alger: Impr. nationale.
• Farine, Charles (1865). À travers la Kabylie. Paris: Ducrocq.
• Gaffarel, Paul (1883). L'Algérie: Histoire, conquête et colonisation (in French). Librairie de Firmin-Didot et cie.
• Mercier, Ernest (1891). Histoire de l'Afrique septentrionale (Berbérie): depuis les temps les plus reculés jusqu'à la conquête française (1830). Vol. 3. Paris: Leroux.
• Nodier, Charles (1844). [Illustrations de Journal de l'expédition des Portes de Fer.] / Raffet [des.]; Hébert, Pinaud, Brévière, Lavoignat, Dauzats, Montigneul [grav.]; Charles Nodier, aut. du texte. Raffet, Denis-Auguste-Marie. Dessinateur; Hébert. Graveur; Pinaud. Graveur; Brévière. Graveur; Lavoignat. Graveur; Dauzats, Adrien. Graveur; Montigneul. Graveur. Retrieved 6 December 2020 – via Gallica.
• Recueil des notices et mémoires de la Société archéologique de Constantine. Vol. 44. Constantine: Arnolet. 1910.
• Trumelet, Corneille (1892). L' Algérie légendaire : en pélérinage çà et là aux tombeaux des principaux thaumaturges de l'Islam (in French).

Contemporary sources

• Del Mármol, Luis (1571). Descripciôn General de Africa: sus guerras y vicisitudes, desde la Fundación del mahometismo hasta el año 1571 (in Spanish). Venise.
• De Haëdo, Diego (1612). Topographia e historia general de Argel: repartida en cinco tratados, do se veran casos estraños, muertes espantosas, y tormentos exquisitos (in Spanish). Diego Fernandez de Cordoua y Ouiedo - impressor de libros.
• El Wartilani, Hocine (1768). Rihla: Nuzhat al-andhar fi fadhl 'Ilm at-Tarikh wal akhbar (in Arabic).
• Peyssonnel, Jean André (1838). Voyages dans les régences de Tunis et d'Alger (in French). Vol. 1. Librairie de Gide.