Mani pulite

Extension of anti-corruption investigations

In the 1992 Italian general election, the DC held on to power when its coalition government kept a small majority, while leftist opposition parties gained support. The PCI split after the fall of the Soviet Union, depriving the opposition of leadership. Many votes went to the regionalist LN, which was not inclined to form alliances with other parties at the time. The resulting Parliament was therefore weak and difficult to bring to an agreement.

In April 1992, many industrial figures and politicians from both the government and the opposition were arrested on charges of corruption. While the investigations started in Milan, they quickly spread to other areas as more politicians confessed. Fundamental to this increased exposure was the general attitude of the main politicians to drop support for subordinates who got caught; this made many of them feel betrayed, and they often implicated many other figures, who in turn would implicate even more. On 2 September 1992, the PSI politician Sergio Moroni, who had been charged with corruption, killed himself, leaving behind a letter declaring that his crimes were not for his personal gain but for the party's benefit.

Effect on national politics

In local elections in December 1992, held in eight comuni (municipalities), the DC lost half of their votes. The following day, Bettino Craxi was officially accused of corruption; he eventually resigned as leader of the PSI. On 5 March 1993, the government of Giuliano Amato (PSI) and his justice minister Giovanni Conso (independent) tried to find a solution with a decree, which allowed criminal charges for several bribery-related crimes to be replaced by administrative charges instead; according to popular opinion at the time, that would have resulted in a de facto amnesty for most corruption charges. Amid public outrage and nationwide rallies, the then Italian president Oscar Luigi Scalfaro (DC) refused to sign the decree, deeming it unconstitutional. The following week, a US$250 million scandal involving Eni, the government-controlled energy company, was revealed. The stream of accusations, confessions, and jailing continued.

On 25 March 1993, the Parliament changed municipal electoral law in favor of a majoritarian system. Later on 18 April 1993, the public overwhelmingly backed the abrogation of the existing proportional representation system in a referendum (mixed-member proportional representation was introduced that August), causing Amato to resign three days later. Still shocked by the recent events, the Parliament was unable to produce a new government. Carlo Azeglio Ciampi (independent), former governor of the Bank of Italy, was appointed head of the government; he appointed a technical government without political influences. Meanwhile, the Parliament blocked the investigation into Craxi, causing several cabinet ministers including Francesco Rutelli (FdV) and Vincenzo Visco (independent) to resign in protest after three days at their posts. In new local elections on 6 June 1993, the DC lost half of its votes once again; the PSI virtually disappeared. Instead, LN became the strongest political force in northern Italy.

Cusani trial

On 20 July 1993, the former Eni president Gabriele Cagliari committed suicide in jail. His wife later gave back US$3 million of illegal funds. Meanwhile, Sergio Cusani faced trial and was accused of crimes connected to Enimont, a joint venture between Eni and another energy company, Montedison. The trial was broadcast on national television and was a sort of showcase of the old politics being held accountable for their actions. While Cusani himself was not a major figure, the connection of his crimes to the Enimont affair called in all the nation's major politicians as witnesses.

A high note was reached in the Cusani trial when former head of government Arnaldo Forlani (DC), answering a question, simply said: "I don't remember." He happened to be very nervous and did not notice that perspiration was accumulating on his lips, and that image was by many considered symbolic of the people's disgust for the corrupt system. Instead, Craxi admitted that his party received $93 million of illegal funds, defending his actions by saying that "everyone was doing this". Even the LN was implicated in the trial; secretary Umberto Bossi and former treasurer Alessandro Patelli were convicted for receiving 200 million lire of illegal funding (approximately $100,000 at the time).

A bribe to the PCI was alleged but who had committed the offence was never established. A number of Milanese members of the PDS, mainly of the migliorista wing, were charged with corruption during their time as members of the PCI but were acquitted. Prosecutor Antonio Di Pietro stated: "Penal responsibility is personal, I cannot bring here a person with the first name Party and last name Communist." The Enimont trial itself was carried out after the Cusani trial, with much less public interest.

Investigations on other fronts

In the meantime, the investigation expanded outside the political range. On 2 September 1993, the Milan judge Diego Curtò was arrested. On 21 April 1994, 80 financial regulators and 300 industry personalities were charged with corruption. A few days later, the secretary of Fiat admitted corruption with a letter to a newspaper. Media tycoon Silvio Berlusconi entered politics later that year and won the 1994 Italian general election in what many thought was a move to shield his many business concerns from possible scrutiny. This suspicion was reinforced on 11 February 1994, when his brother, Paolo Berlusconi, admitted to corruption crimes. On 29 July 1994, his brother was again arrested and immediately released.

Lottizzazione

The term lottizzazione, meaning allotment in the way a terrain is divided up in minor parts or lotti, came to indicate the procedure of awarding top positions in important state conglomerates, such as IRI, Enel, or Eni to political figures, or at least managers with a clear political orientation. This usually trickled down to lower levels, creating power centres depending on political parties that controlled a significant part of the production system. The available seats were usually awarded so that government parties and opposition parties like the PCI would get a share of power corresponding to their perceived influence in the government.

Impact

A 2020 study found that

local politicians withdraw support from incumbents in parties hit by Clean Hands – inducing early government dissolutions in such municipalities ... local politicians from the implicated parties exhibit lower re-running rates and higher rates of party switching in the short term. In the medium term, we find that corruption and voter turnout are lower in competitive municipalities 'treated' with a mayor from the implicated parties during Clean Hands. Moreover, medium-term upward career mobility of local politicians from the implicated parties benefited from party switching.

In modern culture

In 2005, artist Gianni Motti created an artwork in the form of a bar of soap, named Mani pulite, based on the scandal. This piece was claimed to have been created out of the fat from a liposuction of Silvio Berlusconi. It was sold at the 36th edition of Art Basel for €15,000. A 2015 television series titled 1992 is based on the events of Mani pulite.