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Akan people

Ethnic group in West Africa

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  • 8 chapters

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Through Ghana, Desert and Archaeology

Origins

Pre-colonial and colonial distortions

According to Jack Goody, the origins of the Akan were distorted during the colonial period by misinterpretations popularized by missionaries, administrators, and early ethnographers. One of the earliest documented attempts to explain Akan origins was made by Thomas Edward Bowdich, an English traveler who visited the Asante Empire in 1817. He argued that there were similarities between Asante political institutions and those of Ancient Egypt and Ethiopia which indicated that the Asante descended from eastern or northeastern African populations. In the early twentieth century, W. T. Balmer, a missionary historian, advanced the view that the Akan originated from the medieval Ghana Empire in the western Sudan. He argued that the decline of ancient Ghana was due to the society losing internal cohesion and was weakened by Islam invasions into the Sahel. J. B. Danquah later adopted and expanded the Ghana migration hypothesis using medieval Arabic descriptions of the ancient kingdom of Ghana and identifying it with the Akan-speaking peoples of the Gold Coast. In his 1944 book, the Akan Doctrine of God, Danquah suggested that the name “Ghana” represented an Arab corruption of “Akane” or “Akana,” and proposed a historical connection between the Akan and ancient Near Eastern civilizations. Eva L. R. Meyerowitz took the Ghana migration and diffusionist theories even further, claiming Akan ruling class and religious institutions originated from Saharan, Libyo-Berber, Egyptian, and Near Eastern sources. The theories were criticized by historians, linguists, and anthropologists, who believed they served practical purposes for missionaries, colonial administrators, and nationalist thinkers who sought moral lessons, political unity, or historical prestige.

Critiques of colonial era distortions

An earlier critic of the colonial diffusionist theories was David Tait, who argued that Eva L. R. Meyerowitz's book of Akan origins relied too heavily on speculative links between names of peoples and places across separated regions. He criticized her attempt to connect the Akan, Guan and Gonja to the Fezzan and the Djenne–Timbuktu area, claiming that many of these links lacked clear evidence. Tait denied to the use of a single Bono tradition about coming from the “great white desert” as the basis for a broad migration theory, especially since similar traditions were not found among other Akan groups. He also rejected the claim that early Bono traditions had been “lost,” arguing that there was no proof such traditions had ever existed. According to Tait, the linguistic comparisons used to support the argument crossed multiple languages and language families without enough methodological control. He believed that the book moved too quickly from collecting traditions to constructing speculative history, without first establishing the texts and their social context.

Dennis Michael Warren, an anthropologist who spent extended periods conducting fieldwork in Techiman, Ghana, reexamined Meyerowitz's interpretations of Bono history and argued that they relied on unsupported evidence. According to his findings, many informants cited by Meyerowitz denied giving her the information associated with them or contradicted her statements when interviewed independently. His work exposed that Timbuktu, Kumbu, Diala, and Diadom were not commonly known in Bono oral tradition and were only recognized by people familiar with Meyerowitz's ideas, suggesting that the narratives were introduced from herself and not passed down locally. Warren concluded that an accurate reconstruction of Bono Manso history before the Asante conquest of 1722–1723 was not possible using available oral evidence. Warren warned that Meyerowitz's work had already entered school textbooks and popular histories as established fact and influence local narratives which made it difficult to distinguish authentic oral traditions from foreign fabrications.

Archaeology and methodological criticism

As more fieldwork was conducted in Akan regions, earlier statements associating Akan origins with migrations from different regions were questioned and reassessed. Archaeologist Merrick Posnansky criticized the use of oral traditions recorded by non-specialists, arguing that the material, when interpreted through assumptions, created conflicting accounts of origins and lacked archaeological or historical validation. He mentioned how scholars like J. B. Danquah and Eva Meyerowitz sought historical validated by projecting Near Eastern or Mesopotamian origins onto Akan societies. In 1995, following archaeological research, Peter and Ama Shinnie concluded that there is no evidence to support older theories proposing migrations of the Asante and other Akan peoples from North Africa, the Sahara, or the eastern Mediterranean. They argued the theories reflect outdated assumptions that complex societies in West Africa must have originated elsewhere rather than developing locally. Shinnie's main argument was that if the Akan had really come from the north, their language would be closely related to the languages spoken north of the forest zone, but Akan instead belongs to the Kwa language family, which, apart from Gonja, is not closely related to the languages of northern Ghana.

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