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Axis of Resistance

Iran-led military coalition in West Asia

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The "Axis" in question mainly consists of Shia Islamist militant organizations, such as Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Islamic Resistance and the Popular Mobilization Forces in Iraq, and the Houthis in Yemen. It intermittently includes certain Palestinian militant organizations (typically Sunni Islamist), such as Hamas and Islamic Jihad. Iran's continued support for this coalition is said to be motivated in part by a desire to keep confrontations away from its borders as part of its "forward defence" philosophy, which pursue domestic interests while collectively mobilizing for a shared broader goal of militarily exhausting Israel and imposing a cost on United States foreign policy in the Middle East. The United States designates most of the coalition's members as terrorist organizations, but between 2014 and 2017, the United States military and Iranian proxy forces under Qasem Soleimani effectively conducted their offensives in unison during the War against the Islamic State.

On several occasions, the Axis of Resistance has carried out direct attacks on United States troops in Iraq. Through the Quds Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the Iranian government had been spending an estimated US$700 million annually on providing extensive military and logistical support to the coalition's members, but this expenditure began dwindling after 2019 as a result of international sanctions against Iran.

The Middle Eastern crisis, which began with the October 7 attacks against Israel in 2023, has weakened the Axis of Resistance and the strategy behind it, according to an analysis by the Associated Press. The network suffered significant and repeated setbacks to Israeli military operations over the course of the Gaza war, the Israel–Hezbollah conflict, and the Twelve-Day War. It was also greatly disrupted by the 2024 Syrian opposition offensives, which entirely reversed the progress of the Iranian intervention in the Syrian civil war. The rest of the Axis of Resistance remains intact as of December 2024.

History

Etymology

The term "Axis of Resistance" was first used by the Libyan daily newspaper Al-Zahf Al-Akhdar in response to American president George W. Bush's claim that Iran, Ba'athist Iraq, and North Korea formed an axis of evil. Its 2002 article, "Axis of evil or axis of resistance", said "the only common denominator among Iran, Iraq, and North Korea is their resistance to U.S. hegemony". The Iranian newspaper Jomhuri-ye Eslami subsequently adopted the language in reference to the Shia insurgency in Iraq, writing in 2004: "If the line of Iraq's Shi'is needs to be linked, united, and consolidated, this unity should be realized on the axis of resistance and struggle against the occupiers."

In 2006, the Palestinian minister of the interior, Said Saim, used the term during an interview at Al-Alam television to refer to common political goals among Arabs in opposition to those of Israel or the United States. Noting the large number of Palestinian refugees in Syria, Saim stated, "Syria is also an Islamic Arab country and is also targeted by the Americans and the Zionists. Hence, we see in Syria, Iran, Hezbollah, and Hamas an axis of resistance in front of these pressures."

The term "axis of resistance" was used as early as August 2010. After two years, Ali Akbar Velayati, senior advisor for foreign affairs to Iran's supreme leader, used the term and said:

The chain of resistance against Israel by Iran, Syria, Hezbollah, the new Iraqi government, and Hamas passes through the Syrian highway. ... Syria is the golden ring of the chain of resistance against Israel.

The phrase was used again in August 2012 during a meeting between Syrian president Bashar al-Assad and the secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, Saeed Jalili, regarding the Syrian civil war. Velayati said:

What is happening in Syria is not an internal issue, but a conflict between the axis of resistance and its enemies in the region and the world. Iran will not tolerate, in any form, the breaking of the axis of resistance, of which Syria is an intrinsic part.

Foundation

In the wake of the 1979 Iranian Revolution, some of the most radical founders of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps such as Mohammad Montazeri (who had been trained by the Palestinian Fatah in Southern Lebanon and maintained close relations with Gaddafi's Libya) and Mostafa Chamran (who had visited Cuba and was influenced by revolutionary internationalism) strove to create what is often called an "Islamic Internationale", drawing upon Ali Shariati's and Ayatollah Khomeini's notions of the "solidarity of the oppressed". Montazeri and Chamran, along with Ali Akbar Mohtashamipur, Iran's ambassador to Syria from 1982, created the Department for Islamic Liberation Movements, as part of the People's Revolutionary Organization of the Islamic Republic of Iran, whose aim was to bring together the activities of the outlawed Iraqi Islamic Dawa Party and Badr Organization with those of the Lebanese Amal Movement and Hezbollah. The Department for Islamic Liberation Movements is thought to have been the starting point of Iranian attempts of forging what was later to become known as the Axis of Resistance.

Evolution

Although Iran had been funding Shia militants since the Iran-Iraq War and the Lebanese Civil War (such as the War of Brothers), a complete network of Iranian proxies was not formed until the 2003 Iraq War led to the rise of Iran's influence. At first, the alliance consisted of the Assad-led Ba'athist Syria and Lebanese Hezbollah. Years later, Iran, already closely aligned with Syria and Hezbollah, would form stronger relations between the three, creating the axis. Iraqi and Yemeni militants coordinating with Iran came in as the newest members of this alliance. After the beginning of Russian involvement in the Syrian civil war, a slew of posters showing images of Hassan Nasrallah, Ali Khamenei, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, and Russian President Vladimir Putin, have appeared with an Arabic caption meaning "men who bow to no one but God". The posters suggest another emerging regional Axis of Resistance, according to The Hill. This coalition has been described as "deeply polarising" for its sectarian targeting of Sunni Syrians. Hezbollah's actions have also arisen denunciation in Lebanon, most notably from Lebanese President Michel Suleiman, who demanded an end to unilateral armed maneuvers by Hezbollah. Grievance is also widespread amongst Lebanon's Sunni minority, who charge Hezbollah with engaging in sectarian violence against other Muslims, and of forfeiting its anti-Zionist stance. With Hezbollah's intensifying participation in the Syrian civil war following the years after 2013, the coalition has become explicitly Khomeinist and anti-Sunni; with the Assad regime becoming beholden and subservient to Iran and its proxies for continued existence. Alienated by sectarian policies, Sunni Islamists such as Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas began publicly opposing Iran and Hezbollah and have aligned closely with Turkey and Qatar, countries which are engaged in geo-political competition with Iran.

Middle Eastern crisis (2023–present)

The conflicts engulfing the Middle East in 2023, beginning with the October 7 attacks, have weakened the Axis of Resistance and the strategy behind it, according to an analysis by Associated Press. The network has suffered major blows in the Gaza war and the Israel–Hezbollah conflict. Additionally, the fall of the Assad regime in Syria, marked by rebel forces capturing Damascus and ending over five decades of Assad family rule, further disrupted the network. The Houthis and militias in Iraq remain intact as of December 2024. In April 2025 it was reported that Hezbollah has withdrawn the majority of its military infrastructure from southern Lebanon, transferring control to the Lebanese army. The report claims that 190 out of Hezbollah's 265 military positions were ceded to the army. This move aligns with the November 2024 U.S.-brokered ceasefire agreement, which mandates Hezbollah's repositioning north of the Litani River and the deployment of approximately 5,000 Lebanese troops to the south. The withdrawal aims to reduce tensions along the Israel–Lebanon border and facilitate the return of displaced civilians. While Hezbollah has removed heavy weaponry, some fighters from southern villages remain with light arms. The situation remains delicate, with ongoing monitoring by international observers to ensure compliance with the ceasefire terms.

In July 2025, reports emerged indicating that Iran has intensified its support for proxy groups, supplying advanced weaponry to both the Houthis in Yemen and Hezbollah in Lebanon, despite mounting regional and international pressure. According to U.S.-aligned forces in Yemen, a large shipment, estimated at 750 tons, of Iranian-supplied arms was intercepted in late June near Houthi-controlled territory. The cache reportedly included anti-ship and anti-aircraft missiles, drone components, warheads, and instruction manuals in Farsi, reinforcing long-standing assessments of Tehran’s direct involvement through the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and affiliated networks. Simultaneously, Western intelligence suggests that Iran has resumed missile deliveries to Hezbollah via overland routes through Iraq and Syria, aiming to replenish the group's arsenal following its 2024 confrontation with Israel. Despite domestic economic and military constraints following the Twelve-Day War, Iran has prioritized rearming its regional allies.

During January 2026, the US began a military buildup in the Middle East, mainly because of the nationwide protests in Iran and ensuing massacres, a well as growing tension between Iran and the US, due to Iran's alleged ongoing push to develop nuclear weapons, rebuild its ballistic missile program, and its continued support of regional armed groups such as Hezbollah, Hamas, and the Houthis. This culminated in the joint American–Israeli war on Iran and its regional allies starting on 28 February, including the assassination of Iranian supreme leader Ali Khamenei. In July 2026, The New York Times reported that US President Donald Trump opted to fly back on the old Air Force One when leaving Turkey that month after credible threats from the "axis" targeting him and Qatari-donated Air Force One, as it lacks the same advanced defensive abilities of the old Air Force One. White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said that the new Qatari plane will undergo additional upgrades over the following month.

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