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Empire of Vietnam

Short-lived sponsored state of Imperial Japan in 1945

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  • 4 chapters

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History

On March 10, 1945, Masayuki Yokoyama, a senior Japanese diplomat, entered the royal palace to tell Bảo Đại that Tokyo expected him to head a government dedicated to 'maintaining social order.' Yokoyama also told him that Japan "was prepared to acknowledge an Annamite declaration of independence within the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. Undoubtedly much relieved, Bảo Đại instructed Phạm Quỳnh, his minister of the interior (and de facto premier), to draft a proclamation in French and show it to Yokoyama, who found it proper except for a clause expressing gratitude to the Japanese armed forces. That passage deleted, Phạm Quỳnh scheduled a meeting of the full cabinet for the next morning, 11 March, where he read out the text solemnly in the presence of the monarch. The 'government of Vietnam' abrogated the 1884 protectorate treaty signed with the French, proclaimed its independence, and affirmed its determination to collaboration with Japan." The Trần Trọng Kim Cabinet was established on 17 April 1945.

Decline

The Kim Cabinet's achievements were soon overshadowed by external pressure and revolutionary activity. On July 26, the leaders of the Allies issued a declaration demanding the unconditional surrender of Japan. Japan was on the defensive and quickly losing ground, and its aim was no longer to win the war, but simply to find an honorable ceasefire. On the Vietnamese front, the possibility of future punishment by the Allied forces for collaboration with the Japanese discouraged many possible supporters of Kim. His ministers and public servant corps began to dwindle in number. The Imperial Commissioner of the North (Tonkin), Phan Kế Toại, accompanied by his son and other Viet Minh sympathisers and secret communists such as Nguyễn Mạnh Hà and Hoàng Minh Giám, submitted his resignation. Nguyễn Xuân Chữ, a leader of the Vietnamese Patriotic Party (Viet Nam Ái quốc Đảng) and one of the five members of Cường Để's National Reconstruction Committee, refused the offer of replacing Toại. Returning to Thuận Hóa, Kim arrived to find increasing conflict among his ministers. Chương wanted credit for arranging the integration of the three ceded cities and southern Vietnam to Kim's government and was regarded as having Prime Ministerial designs himself. The government meetings of August 5 and 6 were headlined by personal disputes and the resignation of the ministers of interior, economy, and supplies. Hồ Tá Khanh, the economic minister, went further and demanded the resignation of the government. Khanh proposed that the communist Viet Minh be given a chance to govern because of its strength. The government resigned on August 7. Bảo Đại asked Kim to form a new government, but the end of the war made this impossible.

On 6 and 9 August 1945, respectively, the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki took place; on August 8, 1945, the Soviet Union declared war on Japan and invaded Manchuria, and Japan's resistance to the Allies was quickly ended. Japan decided to give Kim and Vietnamese nationalists the full independence and territorial unification that they had sought for decades. Kim was urged many times to come to Saigon to officially accept control of Nam Bộ. Multiple factors prevented Kim from leaving the capital. From August 8 onward, Phạm Khắc Hòe, Bảo Đại's office director, was instructed by Tôn Quang Phiệt (the future chairman of the Viet Minh's Revolutionary Committee in Huế) to persuade the Emperor to abdicate voluntarily.

In order to carry out his mission, Hòe persistently disrupted Kim's activities, particularly by citing Kim's failure to call the most influential figures to Thuận Hóa to form a new government. Meanwhile, Interior Minister Nam, cited the communist uprisings in Thanh Hóa and Quảng Ngãi in central Vietnam to discourage Kim from traveling to Saigon. The acceptance of the handover of the South (Cochinchina) was thus temporarily placed at the feet of the Council of the South.

On August 14, Bảo Đại appointed Nguyễn Văn Sâm, former president of the Journalists' Syndicate, to the post of Imperial Commissioner of the South. Sâm left Thuận Hóa for Saigon. However, he was delayed en route as the Viet Minh had taken advantage of the military power vacuum caused by the Japanese surrender to launch a general insurrection with the aim of seizing control of the country.

Viet Minh takeover

In August, Vietnam went through a period regarded as one of its most eventful phases, amidst the backdrop of rapid change in global politics. On the one hand, the Allies began to put into effect their postwar plans for Vietnam, which included the disarmament of Japanese troops and the division of Vietnam into spheres of influence. The Japanese military and civilian personnel in Vietnam were hamstrung by the unconditional surrender of their government and the possibility of Allied retribution. With respect to the Vietnamese, the Japanese were split psychologically and ideologically. Some Japanese favoured the Viet Minh, releasing Communist political prisoners, arming the Viet Minh front, and even volunteering their services. Others, including senior military officers, wanted to use their forces to support Kim's government and to crush the communists. Amid the political confusion and power vacuum engulfing the country, a race to power by diverse Vietnamese political groups took place.

On the eve of Japan's surrender, Kim and his supporters tried to take control of the situation. On August 12, Kim's outgoing government was retained as "Provisional Government" to oversee the day-to-day running of the country. Kim asked Bảo Đại to issue an imperial order on August 14 repealing the treaties of Saigon of 1862 and 1874, thus removing the last French claims to sovereign rights over Vietnam. Messengers were sent from the central capital to northern and southern Vietnam to reunify diverse groups under the central government in Thuận Hóa, but they were apprehended en route by the Viet Minh.

Even though Bảo Đại's messengers were cut off, non-communist leaders in northern and southern Vietnam attempted to challenge the Viet Minh. In Bắc Bộ, Nguyễn Xuân Chữ obtained Kim's approval to form the Committee for National Salvation, and he was appointed by Kim as chairman of the Political Directorate of Bắc Bộ. In Nam Bộ, on August 17, it was announced that all non-Viet Minh factions, including Trotskyists and the southern religious sects of Cao Đài and Hòa Hảo, had joined forces to create the Mặt trận Quốc gia Thống nhất (National Unified Front). Trần Quang Vinh, the Cao Đài leader, and Huỳnh Phú Sổ, the founder of the Hòa Hảo, also issued a communique proclaiming an alliance. On August 19 in Saigon, the Vanguard Youth organised their second official oath-taking ceremony, vowing to defend Vietnamese independence at all costs. The next day, Hồ Vân Nga assumed the interim office of Imperial Commissioner and appointed Kha Vạn Cân, the Vanguard Youth leader, commander of Saigon and Chợ Lớn. Nguyễn Văn Sâm's arrival in Saigon on August 22 provided the National Unified Front with the official declaration of national independence and territorial reunification.

Nevertheless, the Viet Minh prevailed in the power struggle with their August Revolution. On August 17, Viet Minh cadres in Hanoi took control of a mass demonstration organised by the General Association of Civil Servants. The rally was originally aimed at celebrating independence and territorial reunification and supporting Kim's government. Two days later, Nguyễn Xuân Chữ was forced to hand over authority to the Viet Minh. Combined with the official cease-fire of the Japanese army on August 21, this threw Kim's government into disarray and it collapsed. On August 23, the Viet Minh seized power in Huế. Two days later on August 25, Bảo Đại officially abdicated, and Nguyễn Văn Sâm handed over power to the Viet Minh in Saigon. The Empire of Vietnam had fallen along with Japan's Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere.

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