Lenition

Effects

Diachronic

Diachronic lenition is found, for example, in the change from Latin into Spanish, in which the intervocalic voiceless stops first changed into their voiced counterparts , and later into the approximants or fricatives : vita > vida, lupa > loba, caeca > ciega, apotheca > bodega. One stage in these changes goes beyond phonetic to have become a phonological restructuring, e.g. > (compare in Italian, with no change in the phonological status of ). The subsequent further weakening of the series to phonetic , as in is diachronic in the sense that the developments took place over time and displaced as the normal pronunciations between vowels. It is also synchronic in an analysis of as allophonic realizations of : illustrating with , 'wine' is pronounced after pause, but with intervocalically, as in 'of wine'; likewise, → .

A similar development occurred in the Celtic languages, where non-geminate intervocalic consonants were converted into their corresponding weaker counterparts through lenition (usually stops into fricatives but also laterals and trills into weaker laterals and taps), and voiceless stops became voiced. For example, Indo-European intervocalic *-t- in *teu̯teh₂ "people" resulted in Proto-Celtic *toutā, Primitive Irish *tōθā, Old Irish túath and ultimately debuccalisation in most Irish and some Scottish dialects to , shift in Central Southern Irish to , and complete deletion in some Modern Irish and most Modern Scots Gaelic dialects, thus .

An example of historical lenition in the Germanic languages is evidenced by Latin-English cognates such as pater, tenuis, cornu vs. father, thin, horn. The Latin words preserved the original stops, which became fricatives in old Germanic by Grimm's law. A few centuries later, the High German consonant shift led to a second series of lenitions in Old High German, chiefly of post-vocalic stops, as evidenced in the English-German cognates ripe, water, make vs. reif, Wasser, machen.

Although actually a much more profound change encompassing syllable restructuring, simplification of geminate consonants as in the passage from Latin to Spanish such as cuppa > 'cup' is often viewed as a type of lenition (compare geminate-preserving Italian ).

Synchronic

Allophonic

All varieties of Sardinian, with the sole exception of Nuorese, offer an example of sandhi in which the rule of intervocalic lenition applying to the voiced series extends across word boundaries. Since it is a fully active synchronic rule, lenition is not normally indicated in the standard orthographies.

A series of synchronic lenitions involving opening, or loss of occlusion, rather than voicing is found for post-vocalic in many Tuscan dialects of Central Italy. Stereotypical Florentine, for example, has the of as casa 'house' in a post-pause realization, in casa 'in (the) house' post-consonant, but la casa 'the house' intervocalically. Word-internally, the normal realization is also : buco 'hole' → .

Grammatical

In the Celtic languages, the phenomenon of intervocalic lenition historically extended across word boundaries. This explains the rise of grammaticalised initial consonant mutations in modern Celtic languages through the loss of endings. A Scottish Gaelic example would be the lack of lenition in am fear ("the man") and lenition in a' bhean ("the woman"). The following examples show the development of a phrase consisting of a definite article plus a masculine noun (taking the ending -os) compared with a feminine noun taking the ending -a. The historic development of lenition in those two cases can be reconstructed as follows:

Proto-Celtic *(s)indos wiros IPA: → Old Irish ind fer → Middle Irish in fer → Classical Gaelic an fear → Modern Gaelic am fear

Proto-Celtic *(s)indā benā IPA: → Old Irish ind ben → Middle Irish in ben → Classical Gaelic an bhean → Modern Gaelic a' bhean

Synchronic lenition in Scottish Gaelic affects almost all consonants (except , which has lost its lenited counterpart in most areas). Changes such as to involve the loss of secondary articulation; in addition, → involves the reduction of a trill to a tap. The spirantization of Gaelic nasal to is unusual among forms of lenition, but it is triggered by the same environment as more prototypical lenition. (It may also leave a residue of nasalization in adjacent vowels.) The orthography shows that by inserting an h (except after l n r).

Blocked lenition

Some languages which have lenition have in addition complex rules affecting situations where lenition might be expected to occur but does not, often those involving homorganic consonants. This is colloquially known as 'blocked lenition', or more technically as 'homorganic inhibition' or 'homorganic blocking'. In Scottish Gaelic, for example, there are three homorganic groups:

• d n t l s (usually called the dental group in spite of the non-dental nature of the palatals)
• c g (usually called the velar group)
• b f m p (usually called the labial group)

In a position where lenition is expected due to the grammatical environment, lenition tends to be blocked if there are two adjacent homorganic consonants across the word boundary. For example:

• aon 'one' (which causes lenition) → aon chas 'one leg' vs aon taigh 'one house' (not aon *thaigh)
• air an 'on the' (which causes lenition) → air a' chas mhòr 'on the big leg' vs air an taigh donn "on the brown house" (not air an *thaigh *dhonn)

In modern Scottish Gaelic this rule is productive only in the case of dentals but not the other two groups for the vast majority of speakers. It also does not affect all environments any more. For example, while aon still invokes the rules of blocked lenition, a noun followed by an adjective generally no longer does so. Hence:

• ad "hat" (a feminine noun causing lenition) → ad dhonn "a brown hat" (although some highly conservative speakers retain ad donn)
• caileag "girl" (a feminine noun causing lenition) → caileag ghlic "a smart girl" (not caileag *glic)

There is a significant number of frozen forms involving the other two groups (labials and velars) and environments as well, especially in surnames and place names:

• MacGumaraid 'Montgomery' (mac + Gumaraid) vs MacDhòmhnaill 'MacDonald (mac + Dòmhnall)
• Caimbeul 'Campbell' (cam 'crooked' + beul 'mouth') vs Camshron 'Cameron' (cam + sròn 'nose')
• sgian-dubh 'Sgian-dubh' (sgian 'knife' + dubh '1 black 2 hidden'; sgian as a feminine noun today would normally cause lenition on a following adjective) vs sgian dhubh "a black knife" (i.e., a common knife which just happens to be black)

Though rare, in some instances the rules of blocked lenition can be invoked by lost historical consonants – for example, in the case of the past-tense copula bu, which in Common Celtic had a final -t. In terms of blocked lenition, it continues to behave as a dental-final particle invoking blocked lenition rules:

• bu dona am biadh "bad was the food" versus bu mhòr am beud 'great was the pity'

In Brythonic languages, only fossilized vestiges of lenition blocking occur; for example in Welsh nos da 'good night', lenition is blocked (nos as a feminine noun normally causes lenition of a following modifier, for example Gwener 'Friday' yields nos Wener 'Friday night'). Within Celtic, blocked lenition phenomena also occur in Irish (for example aon doras 'one door', an chéad duine 'the first person') and Manx (for example un dorrys 'one door', yn chied dooinney 'the first man').

Outside Celtic, in Spanish orthographic b d g are retained as following nasals rather than their normal lenited forms .

Orthography

In the modern Celtic languages, lenition of the "fricating" type is usually denoted by adding an h to the lenited letter. In Welsh, for example, c, p, and t change into ch, ph, th as a result of the so-called "aspirate mutation" (carreg, "stone" → ei charreg "her stone"). An exception is Manx orthography, which tends to be more phonetic, but in some cases, etymological principles are applied. In the Gaelic script, fricating lenition (usually called simply lenition) is indicated by a dot above the affected consonant, and in the Roman script, the convention is to suffix the letter h to the consonant, to signify that it is lenited. Thus, a ṁáṫair is equivalent to a mháthair. In Middle Irish manuscripts, lenition of s and f was indicated by the dot above, and lenition of p, t, and c was indicated by the postposed h; lenition of other letters was not indicated consistently in the orthography.

Voicing lenition is represented by a simple letter switch in the Brythonic languages, for instance carreg, "stone" → y garreg, "the stone" in Welsh. In Irish orthography, it is shown by writing the "weak" consonant alongside the (silent) "strong" one: peann, "pen" → ár bpeann "our pen", ceann, "head" → ár gceann "our head" (sonorization is traditionally called "eclipsis" in Irish grammar).The Irish orthographic convention was adopted by Breton grammarians in the late 19th century, but dropped again in the mid 20th.

Although nasalization as a feature also occurs in most Scottish Gaelic dialects, it is not shown in the orthography on the whole, as it is synchronic (the result of certain types of nasals affecting a following sound), rather than the diachronic Irish type sonorization (after historic nasals). For example taigh "house" → an taigh "the house".

Consonant gradation

The phenomenon of consonant gradation in Finnic languages is also a form of lenition.

An example with geminate consonants comes from Finnish, where geminates become simple consonants while retaining voicing or voicelessness (e.g. katto → katon, dubbaan → dubata). It is also possible for entire consonant clusters to undergo lenition, as in Votic, where voiceless clusters become voiced, e.g. itke- "to cry" → idgön.

If a language has no obstruents other than voiceless stops, other sounds are encountered, as in Finnish, where the lenited grade is represented by chronemes, approximants, taps or even trills. For example, Finnish used to have a complete set of spirantization reflexes for , though these have been lost in favour of similar-sounding phonemes. In the Southern Ostrobothnian, Tavastian and southwestern dialects of Finnish, mostly changed into , thus the dialects have a synchronic lenition of an alveolar stop into an alveolar trill . Furthermore, the same phoneme undergoes assibilation → before the vowel , e.g. root vete- "water" → vesi and vere-. Here, vete- is the stem, vesi is its nominative, and vere- is the same stem under consonant gradation.

Fortition

Fortition is the opposite of lenition: a consonant mutation in which a consonant changes from one considered weak to one considered strong. Fortition is less frequent than lenition in the languages of the world, but word-initial and word-final fortition is fairly frequent.

Italian, for example, presents numerous regular examples of word-initial fortition both historically (Lat. Januarius with initial > gennaio, with ) and synchronically (e.g., "house, home" → but "at home" → ).

Catalan is among numerous Romance languages with diachronic word-final devoicing (frigidus > > fred . Fortition also occurs in Catalan for in consonant clusters with a lateral consonant (Lat. populus > poble or .

Word-medially, is subject to fortition in numerous Romance languages, ranging from or in many speech types on Italian soil to in some varieties of Spanish.