Mizo chieftainship

Precolonial chieftainship

Origins of chieftainship

One account discusses the origins of chieftainship among the Mizos through the Lusei clan. The earliest records of chieftainship among the Mizo tribes are dated to Zahmuaka and his six sons in the 16th century. Zahmuaka was the descendent of Chhualawma, who was adopted after being captured in a raid from the Mizo Tedim wars in the late 16th century. After the death of Chief Chhanpiala of the smaller tribes living in Khawrua and Tlang died, Zahmuaka was nominated by the people to become their chief. His wife, Lawileri played a role in this acceptance. After accepting the role, Zahmuaka became fedup with the chief and attempted to return to his old life as a commoner. The villagers persuaded him to remain chief by offering a basket of paddy annually from each house under his rule. This was the establishment of fathang. Fathang remained as an institution of chieftainship until being abolished in the 1950s. The six sons of Zahmuaka are known as Zadenga, Thangluaha, Thangura, Paliana, Rivunga and Rokhuma.

The sons of Zahmuaka established themselves between the Manipur and Tiau rivers in the early 17th century. Thangur's dynasty became the most well known to the point that the other chief dynasties identified themselves as being related to Thangur. By the 18th century, chieftainship was established into a consistent form which would last till the British annexation of their territories. Originally chieftainship was fought for, but the institution became hereditary through the youngest son, who would remain with the chief while the elder sons would gain their own villages.

While living between the two rivers, the cultivation of crops was not easy. The land on the Chin Hills were not productive as the soil wasn't fertile, and the slopes were too steep. Crops grown during this time were millet, wheat, arum and sweet potato. Lalthangliana argues that poor cultivation of crops was one of the factors responsible for the migration of the Mizos into the Lushai Hills in the 17th century. The agricultural tools were also not efficient. Lalthangliana recognises poems from oral history describing the use of deer horns as hoes for fieldwork. For this reason, it is speculated that iron tools were rare or expensive. In terms of dress, men wore Hnawkhal, which was made of hemp. Women wore similar attire known as Siapsup.

When the Mizos moved west to the Len range and the Tiau Valley on the modern international border, there were changes to living conditions. The Mizos developed knowledge of weaving with hand looms and developed cloth and attire. The pattern of the cloth was white and black stripes. Men and women wore big iron pins, sometimes with ivory beads or accessories. This fashion remained until the 1890s with the British annexation. In terms of weapons, wooden clubs were used traditionally with rare iron swords. The longsword was introduced by the Burmese during the Kabaw Valley settlement era. The bow and arrow were widely used and adopted upon migration to the Len range and Tiau Valley. Early warfare was conducted with duels of the champions of the settlements. When the best warrior was defeated in the duel, it was considered a defeat for the parties. With the introduction and adoption of the bow and arrow, the duels of champions became obsolete. For armour, the Mizos sometimes used copper helmets with goat hair dyed red fixed as an accessory and a cloth wrapped around them called Tawllohpuan (no retreat). A typical Pasalṭha carried a quiver, a staff and a sword.

Scholastic Interpretation of chieftainship

The social system during the Mizos inhabitation in the Chin Hills was of an egalitarian nature. There were no chiefs to rule a particular clan or group at the time as the population was scattered across well defendable landscapes. However, despite such a social nature, the villages continued to fight for supremacy but only through their best warrior or champion. A duel would take place between the strongest of the warriors of each party and the winning champion would see proclaim victory for his party and their interests. The evolution of warfare coincided with the introduction of bows and arrows among the tribes. As a result, there was an endless struggle for supremacy in the Mizo tribes between the Run and Tlang rivers. After the rise of Zahmuaka the egalitarian system of the Mizo tribes began to decline. The right of chieftainship originated via the strongest individual in the art of warfare who could declare himself as a leader. The right of chieftainship was acquired by might or force before becoming hereditary with the Sailo dynasty. With the proliferation of chiefs a desire for supremacy led to the origination of politics regarding chieftainship. Nag argues that chieftainship emerged in the application of force for power which is almost akin to the force theory of the origin of the state.

Migration of the Clans

Zahmuaka's son, Thangura, became the most powerful chief among the six sons and was the last to migrate into present day Mizoram. Population increases and increase of chiefs, many smaller and weaker chiefs originally began to migrate west. The descendants of Zadenga were the first to migrate and managed to reach as far as the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Migration was followed starting with Palian and continuing with Rokhum, Rivung, Chenkual and Thangluah descendants. Thangur's grandson Sailova was a famous chief whose name became eponymous to the Sailo clans. Sailo clans also oversaw cooperation with the Ralte, Fanai and Lushai clans.

Zadeng chiefs

The Zadeng chiefs originally settled in the Champhai area and cooperated with the Ralte chief Mangkhaia's father, Mangthawnga and his brother Thawnglura. Thawnglura guided the Zadengs towards Tualbungah and Zampui. The Zadeng had a chieftainess known as Pidari who ruled the Kawrthah mountain. The Zadengs declined under Lalchungnunga in Mualthuam and Juahzawl. When Lallula's son, Vuta, was captured by the Pawi. The Sailos collected ransom to free him, but Lalchungnunga and the Zadengs refused to pay. The Sailo chiefs Mângpawrha, Lallianvunga and Lalsavunga jointly attacked Lalchungnunga and captured his son Ngura as a hostage. Lalsavunga took the bawis, guns and weapons of the Zadeng chiefs. Lalchungnunga and his chiefs provided their property to ransom Ngura and were forced to migrate westwards into Hill Tipperah.

Palian chiefs

Palian's son, Lianpuia established himself in Khuanglenga in the northern Lushai Hills. The area was occupied by Hmar tribes and chiefs who had established several areas. The Palians gathered in Dungtlang under the chiefs Pu Buara and Bulpuia. Dungtlang was situated in northeast Mizoram near the current border of Myanmar. Dungtlang existed between 1670-1680 with as many as three thousand homes. When the Sailo chiefs migrated west, Pu Buara moved to the southwest as far as modern day Bangladesh. Dungtlang was prestigious that chief Lallula had initially thought to join it before being convinced by Laltuaka to establish their own coalition.

Buluia's son Huliana migrated to Thinglian, Sialhauvah and Arthlawah before settling in Chipui. Chief Sibuta was known as a prominent Palian chief who erected a large stone for his grave. The Palian chiefs were defeated by Lalpuithanga, the southern Sailos who pressed them. Sibuta's descendant Lalsuthlaha was arrested by the British in the Blackwood expedition in 1844 after a raid.

Distribution upon British annexation

By the time of British annexation, the chieftains of Rokhuma were largely integrated and left no traces of their settlements apart from oral history. The chiefs descending from Zadenga, Thangluaha, and Paliana had been severely weakened and had ruled a few petty settlements that were protected by the British. Rivung chiefs settled in Hill Tipperah and were one of the earliest kukis to be recorded by the chief of Chittagong in 1777. The Sailo family under Sailova, son of Thangura, became the predominant tribe in the Lushai Hills. The arrival saw the non-integrating tribes such as Khawtlang and Khawchhak flee to Thadou chieftains in Manipur. Clans that were not part of the Lusheis, saw their languages lost in favour of Duhlien. Apart from the Hmar and Paite who managed to preserve their dialects, the Vanchia, Kohlring, Nennte, Powtu and others eventually adopted Duhlien.

Sailo migration

The Mizo tribes also migrated into the Lushai Hills due to Chin aggression. The chins were known to the Lushei as poi or pawi. A long-term feud led to a great war that led to the defeat of the Lushei tribes. The large battle between the Mizos and Pawi led to a victory for the Mizos initially. However, during a celebration of Chapchar Kut the Pawi staged an ambush which lead to the destruction of Suaipui inhabited by the Ralte. The event was immortalized in a hla (poem). The chiefs evacuated their villages and settlements to the east of the Tyao river. In 1883, the Lushei attempted another attack against the poi but failed once more by over extending themselves in enemy territory. Up to 40 men were lost in the ambush and the remaining survivors were chased and escaped through the dense jungles back to their homes.

After crossing the Tiau river, the two sons of Sailova, namely Chungnunga and Lianlula established themselves and their sons under Pu Kawlha's village of Selesih. Sailova had died before the migration while the Mizos lived east of the Tiau river. Chungnunga and Lianlula migrated sometime in the early 18th century. Selesih was the largest mizo settlement at the time and was functionally a confederation of chiefs and tribes. It consisted of multiple tribes and clans and petty chiefs ranging from the five major tribes and the 12 minor tribes without feuds. Chungnunga's sons, Lalhluma, Rona and lalchera cooperated with Lianlula's sons, Pu Kawlha, Darliankuala and Darpuiliana. The main purpose of Selesih was to deter attackers such as the Poi in the east. The prestige and attractiveness of the settlement drew many settlers. Both Chungnunga and Lianlula died in Selesih. Eventually Rona's son, Lallula would leave Selesih and spread out across the northern Lushai Hills. His descendants would establish themselves as the dominant power and clan. Selesih eventually dispersed due to the fact that jhumming requires regular migration in order to feed the population.

Lallula established the settlement of Zopui upon leaving Selesih and wished to expand it. As a result, c. 1754 Lallula approached the village of Siakeng under Chief Mangngula. An ultimatum was given to surrender and join his village but Mangngula refused. As a result, Lallula raided the village and took the captives to settle in Zopui. With the growth of Zopui, Lallula turned his focus to the Thlanrawn in the east, who were demanding tributes and threatening raids. Lallula invited Chief Thanchhuma of the Thlanrawn under the false promise of tributes with their delegates and champion warriors. Under the hospitality of zu, the Thlanrawn chief and delegates were intoxicated and asleep. At midnight, Lallula sounded the gong and massacred the defenceless, drunk Thlanrawn warriors. He captured Thanchhuma and his upa Phunthanga, paraded them in shame and humiliated them. The Thlanrawn massacre was immortalized in song by Lallula, who composed it himself. However, the event led Lallula to fear reprisal from the Thlanrawn, and he migrated west. Migrating west, Lallula placed his adopted brother Rorehlova as a buffer chief between the Pawi and him, who was a Fanai. Lallula eventually, during migration, joined his uncle Laltuaka in his village of Sabualah. The settlement grew with 10 chiefs of 3 families. Lallula organized a raid on the Pawi. However, Laltuaka and his family objected, and the raid failed. Lallula returned north and fought with the Zadeng chiefs. His rule was expanded, and the Zadengs were severely weakened as Sailo rule emerged in the north and central Lushai hills. As a result, the Lusei dialect of Duhlien became standardized in the Lushai Hills.

Hmar groups established in Eastern Mizoram were pushed Northwards by the Palian and Sailo chiefs who migrated away from Chin aggression. Other established clans, such as the Pangs, Dawlawng, and Mirawngs, were scattered. The legacy of Hmar settlements is seen in eastern Mizoram, where villages are named after groups such as the Biate, Zote, Dawngawn, Khawbung, Vangchhia, Khawzawl and Thiak. The Lushai clans managed to assimilate smaller clans such as the Chawte, Chongthu, Hnamte, Khiangte and Ngente while other clans like the Fanai, Ralte, Paite and Rangte maintained individualities. Other groups such as the Thadou were forced to migrate north to Cachar. One reason the Lushai Hills area was easy to settle for the Mizo tribes is attributed to the cyclical phenomenon of mautam. By the 18th century, when Mizo tribes migrated into the Lushai Hills, previous settlers had moved on due to the bamboo flowering famines.

Internal Conflicts of the Chiefs

Lalulla was purported by deputy commissioner Sir John Edgar to be the first Sailo chief to live in Mizoram despite the Sailos entering Mizoram half a century before. Yet, Lalulla was the first Lushei chief to be known to foreign administrations. He led a migration from Myanmar into the western hills. Lalulla's descendants moved westwards and became neighbours to the Zadeng chiefs who considered themselves strong enough to wage war. However, the Zadengs faced defeat and were forced to accept seek alliances with southern chiefs. Lalulla's descendants consolidated their control over northern Mizoram eventually with the absorption of petty chiefs. By 1840, Lallula's son Manga had expanded towards Chatterchoora and had expelled the Paite chief that had previously occupied the hills on each side of the valley of the Gootur. Lallula's other son, Lallianvunga, was situated east of the Tlawng and had pushed the Thado tribes out. Lalsavunga, the grandson of Lallula and son of Lalpuiliana, pushed further east and struggled against the Singsol Thado tribes to conquer the Champhai valley and the hills north of it.

Expansion under Lallula's lineages

The eastern chiefs, Lalsavunga, Lallianvunga and Vanhnuailiana prospered as the non-Lusei chiefs were pushed out of the Champhai valley and occupied the northern ranges. After the death of Lalsavunga, Lalpong became chief of Sellam with smaller villages placed under his son Poiboi. Vanhnuailiana became the most powerful chief in the eastern Lushai Hills and made Poiboi subordinate to his domain. Vanhnuailiana was described in British reports as waging constant battles and wars and for the most part winning them successfully. He was known for fighting against the Pawi and Sukte, who upon being defeated, he would resettle them across his chiefdoms and villages. The British discovered hundreds of Sukte families resettled among the Lusei tribes. Vanhnuailiana had captured them from the Kamhow chief of Molbehm. Lallianvunga was the second most influential chief in the eastern Lushai Hills. He pushed out the Thado chiefs from the Rengti and Noongari hill ranges. He settled his own capital village near Peak Z. The village was larger than Vanhnuailia's village reportedly. Lallialvunga prepared to occupy thee sites from the northern Thado villages before his death in approximately 1849. The death of Lallianvunga saw his son Ngura (recorded as Mora/Mullah) wage battles against the Thados of Kaimong.

Lister Expedition

However, an issue was raised when it was discovered the Thados had retreated to Cachar, which was now British territory. Two gongs were stolen from them during the raid, as claimed by the Lushais. The British assigned Lieutenant Colonel Frederick George Lister to investigate the incident and the boundary of British sovereignty. After deliberation the Lister Expedition was arranged under F.G. Lister. He utilised Kuki guides and crossed the terrain into the Lushai Hills. He surprised Ngura's village whose fighting men had gone on another mission. Lister and his men burnt down Ngura's village but retreated out of the Lushai Hills.

Post Lister Expedition

Ngura would die shortly after the Lister Expedition. He would be succeeded by his infant son Vanpuilala whose mother Lalhlupuii would become regent. Lalhlupuii moved Lallianvunga's original village from Peak Z to a site named "old Kholil". The original intention to settle the northern Thado villages was abandoned. Instead, the Lushais established frontier villages to control the entry of woodcutters and traders. This would, in a British report, be recorded as a mistake as for years after Lister's Expedition, there would be little to no intelligence gained on the Lushai Hills and their inhabitants.

Suakpuilala (recorded as Sukpilal) ascended as chief of the western Lushai Hills. He cooperated with Lalhlupuii who granted consent to Suakpuilala to expand towards the Sonai. When Lalhlupuii's son Vanpuilala came of age, he couldn't assert his claim to the Sonai any longer as he was surrounded by the Suktê, Pawi and Haulawng tribes.

North-South Wars

Further developments saw a north–south war between Sailo chiefs in the 1850s. Vuta in the north was in a dispute with Lalpuithanga, Thangdula and Thuama in the south. The possession of land was in dispute, and the composition of a mocking song. Vuta had defeated the Zadeng tribe and had established many villages before deciding to settle further south in Buanhmun. Vuta claimed the land by building a temporary hut to develop a village around. Lalpuithanga, in the agitation against Vuta's encroachment, moved in and settled the land instead. Vuta, in retaliation, deliberately led his people to migrate to Buanhum. Lalpuithanga conceded and migrated back to his hometown of Vanchengte. Vuta then composed a song mocking lalpuithnga for backing away from Buanhmun. This was the foundation for the divide between the North and South chieftains.

Before Lalpuithanga moved out of Buanhmun, he took a gun which belonged to Vuta's village. Vuta brought his nephew Thawmvunga, a renowned pasaltha, to a meeting with Lalpuithanga. Lalpuithanga's upas, who mostly consisted of Zadeng tribesmen wanting revenge, had planned to ambush Vuta during the meeting. Each of them concealed a stick. When confronted about the mocking song, Vuta became fearful. However, Thawmvunga waved his dao around in anger. This subdued the upas of Lalpuithanga, and Thawmvunga was able to take the gun back unceremoniously.

Lalpuithanga's upas then further chased Thawmvunga and attempted to take the gun back. In the ensuing struggle, Thawmvunga sawed off the barrel of the rifle with his dao. When Vuta and Thawmvunga ran off, Lalpuithanga's upa fired a volley after them and missed. This signalled a declaration of war. This led to incessant raids on each other.

Vuta had allied with Chief Khawtindala (Son of Rorehlova) of Khuanglum against Chief Thuama (Son of Lalpuithanga) of Khawlung. Vuta's son accompanied the Fanai of Khawtindala and planned to raid Khawlung. The bridge to access Khawlung was left assembled allowing the party to reach the village in secret during the night. The party killed all the men in the Zawlbuk as they woke up. With no defense, the raiding party massacred Khawlung and killed many individuals. Many women and children were taken captive. The massacre was ingrained and immortalized as a song. The original North-South War lasted six years. The south managed more successful raids but the raid of Khawlung cemented the victory into northern hands. However, no peace settlement was reached and hostilies finally ceased with mautam famine.

According to the British, such as John Shakespear, the north–south war concerned the descendants of Lallula in the North, who were embroiled in a fight with the family of Rolura in the South in 1856. The north–south war occurred between the chiefs who belonged to the same family and had settled their villages closely. The point of contention concerned the territory of Piler Hill. It was so close that their jhum cultivation lands would also touch each other. Due to this, the chiefs agreed not to ambush cultivation of their jhums as opposed to traditional warfare. After the Khawnglung massacre, the war practically ended in the capture of Thuama's wife and son. Thuama's wife was ransomed for necklaces by the Pawi who were allied with Vuta. Meanwhile, Thuama's son, Lalhleia, was raised by Vuta. After the war chiefs united against Poi and Sukte aggression. Due to this Pois failed to maintain a permanent settlement in Sailo territory.

East-West Wars

The Sailo chiefs lost unity once more as Sukpilal, the head of the western Sailo chiefs, and Lalsavunga, the head of the Eastern Sailo chiefs, grew tensions. This was due to the lack of help to the eastern chiefs in migrating east against the Chin. The western chiefs preferred to strengthen and defend their own dominion and expand west and north instead. War emerged between the east and west chiefs after a dispute over a marriage candidate of a fallen chieftain's daughter. The Lushai expedition eventually cooled the internal tensions of the Sailo chiefs. Khalkam, the son of Sukpilal, wanted to marry an Eastern Lushai woman named Tuali. Tuali was already settled to be betrothed to an eastern chief named Lenkhama. Upon her marriage, Khalkam sought help of his grandmother Pibuk. Pibuk and her son Sukpilal waged war on Lenkhama. Another eastern chief, Laljeeka, who was refused betrothal to Sukpilal's sister Banaitangi, joined Lenkhama in exacting revenge. The war continued from 1864 to 1867.

A second east–west war formed due to a dispute over the jhum land. In 1876–1877, Sukpilal's son, Lengpunga and Savunga's son, Laljeeka, undertook an expedition against the Sailo village of Pugrying. The village was plundered and the inhabitants were taken captive. Similarly, Khalkam began a quarrel with Poiboi because he was cultivating crops on jhums claimed by Poiboi. A coalition of chiefs formed in the west consisting of Sukpilal, Khalkam and Lengpunga against the coalition of eastern chiefs consisting of Lemkam, Lalbura, Chungleng and Bungtey. Sukpilal attempted to involve British authorities against the Eastern chiefs which was refused. In November 1877, Sookpilal sent his upas to request the British to mediate peace. In January 1878, Lengkam's upas compensated traders of the Tipaimukh bazaar and requested the British for peace mediation. The British offered Cachar as a meeting place. Upas from western and eastern chiefs met up on the 8th of December. They expressed the unpopular nature of the war and how shameful it is to express peace first. The deputy commissioner recommended simultaneous advances based on his advice. However, this did not lead anywhere.

In April 1879, Sukpilal's sons Labruma and Lengpung planned an attack on the villages of Poiboi, Lemkam and Chungleng in retaliation for the burning of jhum huts. However, on the way, they encountered Poiboi's grandmother in her village between each of them, who turned them away with friendly overtures. In July 1879, new plans were made for a raid on Poiboi but were abandoned after they were leaked. The onset of the mautam famine began to make Lushai individuals come to the British in want of food. Around the onset of the famine, Sookpilal died unrelated to it from his own illnesses. This doused hopes for a peaceful resolution in the east–west war. In early 1881, the eastern chiefs began to increase the raiding of villages such as Chief Thangula's. The unpopularity of a war during famine times saw up to 400 people leave Khalkam for Cachar. The pressure of famine led the chiefs Poiboi, Khalkam, and Lalhai to meet and agree to cease hostilities and obtain food together from Cachar.

Famine

The synchronous bamboo flowering in the ecological cycle has been recorded as a cause of famines in Mizo history. In 1860, oral history records a mautam famine. This phenomenon extended beyond the Lushai Hills to Cachar and southern Manipur, recorded by British administrators like Colonel McCulloch, purporting how a flowering of bamboo had led to a boom in the rat population and social chaos.

The following 1881 famine led to an estimated 15,000 deaths in the Lushai Hills. This weakening of the tribal economy, which relied on manpower, headhunting, and slavery, weakened the chiefs. Some chiefs turned to cooperation with the British or sold their weapons in return for food relief. It also showed an intensification of attacks and raiding as other chiefs began to take food by force from the plains, up to 500 people were also taken captive to supplement their lost labour and manpower or simply killed during raids.

Labour had to be conserved and was stretched thin, which would mean hunting parties could not be established because traditionally, hunting parties would deprive the villages' ability to defend against a raid if a neighbouring village were to take their resources during the famine. The most common way of dealing with an incoming famine was to save rice from previous years with kaka which consisted of crop millet that can be preserved in the long term. In the western Lushai Hills, the villages would practice wet rice cultivation if they had land in the plains region. The western Lushai Hills had access to the knowledge of wet rice cultivation and this would drown the rats or deter them from eating the paddies. Crops such as tapioca and Colocasia were harvested as the rats did not consume them. In terms of foraging, the rats tended to spare the sago in sago palm and wild yam. Cotton seeds were devoured by rats, so the economic opportunity to import food was also impacted as no goods could be produced to effectively trade, such as Lushai cloth and handicrafts. Another traditional solution was to consume the rats by drying them over a fire; however, the large supply of rat meat made it aversive. Individuals from the tribes also left the chiefs and became refugees to the British for food and shelter. The refugees explained the situation of the mautam famine, which was corroborated by karbaris who validated the claim. Mass migrations of Lushai tribespeople caused fear in plains workers who saw the people as fierce and savage raiders. Migration were seen in bordering frontiers such as Cachar, Tipaimukh and Jalnacherra.

The British provided famine relief by sending 18,000 maunds of rice and 2000 maunds of paddy from Cachar and local traders. As the famine didn't intensify many Lushai refugees returned to their villages and distressed refugee seekers ceased by June–September 1882. The chiefs would also sell their ivory jewellery and valuables to raise money for food. Economic developments such as rubber tapping became overtapped to fund their food supply. The willingness to trade their guns and rifles for food signalled to the British a weakness and imminent capitulation. The chiefs also urged the establishment of trading posts that can supply grain and agreed to pay out loans with their jhum harvests.

Foreign Relations

Tripura

The Lushai clans held relations with Hill Tipperah as mercenaries and vassals. Lushai chiefs would supply warriors in exchange for goods or money. Achyut Charan Choudhury in his works covered how the Radharam, a ruler in the pratapgarh Kingdom, staged the revolt of Radharam with aid from Kuki and Lushai mercenaries.

In the mythology of Tripura's adoption of Hinduism concerning Shiva, the chronicles detail how the Kukis stirred trouble in the celestial realm. The mythology details how Shiva fell into passion for a Kuki woman in the king's retinue when he visited the realm. As a result, Shiva's consort Parvati was said to have broke the woman's neck via a divine kick.

Kishen Manik, the last Tripura king appointed by the Mughals died in 1780 and was succeeded by Rajendar Manik. The Mizo tribes raided the territory of Tripura but was punished by Rajendar Manik who successfully made an inroad towards the hill territories. However, Rajendar Manik created a succession dispute through his two sons, the crown prince Durgamoni and the second in line Ramgunga. Ramgunga seized the throne on Rajdenar's death and propelled Durgamoni to gather forces to expel him. The British intervened to stop the outbreak of violence allowing Ramgunga to remain in power. Ramgunga's oppression of the Poitoo Mizos enabled several of the chiefdoms to readily join the side of Durgamoni to attack him in 1808. Durgamoni retook the throne with British recognition in 1809.

In 1808, the British conducted investigation of the Tripura economy by the Special Commissioner. It divided the demographic into an asian descended Hindu population and the Kukis. The Kukis of Tripura were categorized into ranks. The chief men among the Kuki tribes were called Roys, Senaputty, Chuppiahs and Gaboors. 3000 Kukis armed with spears and bows served their chiefs answering to the kingdom alongside 1000 Hindu Tripuris armed with matchlock rifles. Throughout the history of Tripura, the British recorded that many of its kings expanded their borders aggressively towards the Kuki tribes. The Tripura kings would conduct "desultory warfare" against the tribes and reduce villages to subjection and vassalage. Tripura historically did not admit any definite limit to its territory to the eastern Lushai Hills. The invasions of Mizo chiefdoms would emboril conflicts with deeper tribes raiding British assets.

The Tripura Kingdom also held a dispute with Manipur regarding the territory of the Khongjai Kukis residing in Cachar. The king claimed Thanghum in order to establish a thanna. This was motivated by fear of the Poitoo Kukis, who numbered 50,000-60,000 and were reputed to be formidable and turbulent. Many roads connecting Tripura with Manipur and other princely kingdoms would be longer than needed in an effort to avoid Kuki territory and the hills. The king attempted to invade the Thanghum despite a Manipur chief establishing a Thanna there. The British refused to let the king march and retake the settlement.

The Kuki and Mizo tribes would visit the plains in Tripura to trade and barter resources. The British recognised the King's claim to the east but assumed that the king was too weak to force any tribes to pay tributes. The zamindars and merchants of Tripura would annually gift the tribes several gifts as an appeasement or to encourage trade of forest products. Woodcutters would pay passage tax to chiefs when procuring timber. In 1826, a party of woodcutters were massacred by a Mizo chief known as Buntye. The magistrate sent messengers to visit the village and discovered that Zamindars had withheld annual presents and tributes. Two of the messengers were detained by Buntye and one was sent back with the head of a woodcutter to induce the zamindar to comply with the demands. The government authorised payment but also closed all markets and trade with the Kukis.

The Tripura king, in reporting to the British, also claimed sovereignty in the eastern territories extending towards the Lushai Hills. The British assumed that the Tripura King could not derive any profit from the tribes. After the raid by Lalasuthlaha, the British demanded that King Krishna Kishore Manikya hold his subjects accountable, as the chief was a tributary to Tripura by offering of elephant tusks and other commodities like other Mizo chiefs. The British assumed that the king enabled Lalsuthlaha to raid to settle a territorial dispute. After failing to enforce his authority over the tribes, the British participated in the Blackwood Expedition and declared the Mizo tribes as de facto independent of the King.

Manipur

Another instance was when two fugitive Manipuri princes, Ram Singh and Tribonjit Singh, requested the aid of Chief Laroo to capture the throne of Manipur. Laroo declined because the king of Manipur at the time was the father-in-law of the King of Hill Tipperah. In due time, Lushai chiefdoms in Manipur faced rigid political control, while in Hill Tipperah, the gradual decline and political vacuum made the frontiers of the British East India Company insecure.

Willaim McCulloch in a report in 1861 stated that the Lushais were considered powerful to the south of Manipur but were on friendly relations. McCulloch established Kuki villages in southern Manipur and armed them in a policy he termed as Sepoy villages. The purpose was to allow the kukis unrestricted cultivation in return for scouting the movements of raiding parties of Mizos.

In the succession disputes for the throne of Manipur, various raids by royal family members were made up until 1866, when they ceased. The raids were attributed to the cooperation of the Mizos. The Manipuris further participated in punitive expeditions such as the Lushai Expedition. In 1870, the British established the policy of dealing with the Mizo tribes, which followed appeasement by restraining the Manipur King and Kuki subjects in Manipur to refrain from unprovoked aggression.

In 1873, the Mizo chief Damboom settled his chiefdom into the territory of Manipur. The Manipuri authorities kept it a secret until the British summoned him on realization. The political agent Dr. Brown inquired the interest of the British and Manipur to remain at peace and to encourage trade and free communication. Dr. Brown considered a tour of the Lushai Hills and was supported by Damboon. Damboom ventured to inquire with Mizo chiefs but was detained in the Lushai Hills and unable to return. Dr Brown was informed to require permission to make any journey into the Lushai Hills with the express invitation of the chiefs to do so.

In 1877, the Mizo chiefs, Lalburha, Pawibawia and Liankhama, repeatedly raided the villages of Nagas in Manipur territory. The Manipuri guards were overrun in the raids and unable to protect the Nagas. As a result, the villages were evacuated with the Nagas resettling in Cachar or further north. The Manipur king sent a deputation to the three chiefs to conciliate them. The Manipur king offered gifts and tributes to Liankhama and Pawibawia via deputations at Tipaimukh. The deputations ventured further in defiance of official orders and were received well by Pawibawia. However, Pawibawia dissuaded them from going further to meet with Liankhama despite providing men to escort them which offended Liankhama. However, the presents led to an agreement to maintain a truce with the Nagas.

In the case of Manipur and Tripura, the Lushai chiefs would see the surrounding kingdoms as powerful chiefs. For the British, the Lushai chiefs referred to them as white chiefs. Thomas Herbert Lewin, superintendent of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, was named Thangliana as an exonym and recognition as a chief. Lushai chiefs would cross boundaries and appeal to British authorities for protection at times and even offer gifts and tributes, which were declined.

Chin Hills

Chieftains would also give tribute to other chiefdoms. This was recorded in 1895-1986 when the British realized that the chief of Falam were taking tribute and making demands of the Lushai chiefs such as Kairuma and some nearer to Aizawl. The political officer of the North Lushai Hills made notices to not pay these tributes anymore.

British Appeasement

After the Lister Expedition, the chiefs began to understand the true capacity of the British on their frontier. Captain Stewart, the deputy Commissioner of Cachar held a meeting with Suakpuilala to open up relations between the Lushais and British. Using bags of rice, Captain Stewart succeeded in bringing more chiefs to meet with him. These were namely, the delegates of Vanhnuailiana, Vuta and Vanhnuailiana's brother, Lalphunga. They met in Silchar and discussed the possibility of becoming ryots to the British. This was due to the pressure of the Chins and the Burmese who were heavily armed with firearms. The chiefs were willing to pay tribute to the British for protection from the Chins instead of paying tribute to the Chins directly. The meeting revealed that the raids were a result of a need of bawis to trade to the Chins for firearms.

In December 1850, Suakpuilala met with the divisional commander of Cachar with his followers. Suakpuilala's two Pawi followers held firearms which were examined to be of American origin named G. Alton. Suakpuilala would send apologies to Stewart in Cachar for his participation in the Adampore raids as he needed bawis to buy muskets. Stewart offered Suakpuilala to meet with him personally to swear friendship and that he had his word that he would not be harmed or detained. Suakpuilala himself was under pressure from his brother-in-law Ngrusailova (son of Lalsuthlaha). Suakpuilala's sister, Banaitangi left Ngursailova and thus he demanded bawis as compensation. Ngursailova was an enemy of the British due to the fate of his father, Lalsuthlaha, and thus wished to take revenge via raiding.

During negotiations, the new ruler of Tripura offered to cooperate in attacking Suakpuilala and Ngursailova, but the British declined due to their policy of appeasement. However, the negotiations did not gain progress. Suakpuilala offered tribute via elephant tusks which Stewart offered woolen cloth in return. The tribute was made to request the British to declare war on the Pawi tribes but the British refused to intervene. During this meeting Suakpuilala also informed Stewart of the lack of trusts chief's had in the British after the injustice of the Blackwood Expedition and Lalsuthlaha's fate.

Stewart was soon succeeded by Sir John Ware Edgar. Edgar formed a successful treaty with Vanlalpuia, the son of Ngura whom Lister targeted. Vanlalpuia agreed to commit no more raids nor cooperate with chiefs intending to raid.

Anglo-Lushai relations

Before the British, the only records of the Mizo tribes were from local merchants who would enter the Lushai Hills, known as karbaris. They would subsequently provide information and insight into the nature of the Lushai chiefs, their language, and the privilege of accessing their territory. Amidst the internal conflicts, the chiefs also engaged in raiding, headhunting and kidnapping of British subjects working in tea plantations. The Lushai chiefs attacked and raided Sylhet in 1844, Hill Tipperah in 1847, and Sylhet and Cachar in 1849, continuing sporadically to 1862 and 1868. The British sent their first expeditionary force in December 1844 against these raids. A chief named Lalsuktla had raided Kochabari, a Manipuri settlement in Sylhet, to collect heads to commemorate the passing of the previous chief, Lalrinha. Twenty people were killed, and six were captured. Lalsuktla was defeated and apprehended, but this didn't stop further raids. Another expedition was prepared in 1850 to strike against Chief Mulla who had razed a Kuki village in Silchar tolling twenty-nine deaths and forty-two captives. Mulla's village was burnt down but was forced to retreat against a bigger force of 5000-7000 being mobilized. The 1849 raid in Cachar saw a despatch of Frederick Lister with Sylhet light infantry. His report advocated for an expedition of 3,000 men to control the roads and depots of trade. The Bengal government rejected the offer, preferring military outposts and Kuki mercenaries to counter Mizo aggression.

The British employed a Policy of Conciliation for Northeastern chiefs between 1850 and 1870. This oversaw chiefs releasing captives and participating in exchange for gifts. Some chiefs allied with the British due to these advancements. One of the expeditions against a chief called Suikpilal was put off in favour of a declaration of friendship. The expansion of tea estates however remained to threaten the sovereignty of chieftains. This led Chief Vonpilal and other chiefs to launch an official complaint and objection to British encroachment. Captain Steward, the superintendent of Cachar, attempted negotiations and assured that tea estates were beneficial. This failed to reassure the chiefs who united to jointly resist the British encroachment.

In 1850, Chief Suikpilal cooperated with the British by sending an emissary to Cachar about the fear of Pawi attacks in the South. The British assured non-interference if British borders were respected in return. During this period, some Lushai labourers left the hills and worked in tea gardens and timber industries. The British authorities such as the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal decided on a policy of leaving chiefs undisturbed in the administration of their territory. Relations soured in 1860, after Chief Rothangpuia razed a village in Tipperah. The tensions lead to chiefs withholding their men and labourers from working on British tea estates. Suikpilal also participated in a raid in 1862. The deputy commissioner of Cachar negotiated terms for tribute to the British in return for payment. Proposals for a punitive expedition were rejected because of the failure of attempts before and the expenses required. A policy of obtaining political control was preferable.

The British tried another agreement between chiefs to agree on the border of Cachar and their territories. A deputation of chiefs with Deputy Commissioner Edgar met to renew amicable relationships. Edgar took a tour of the Lushai Hills and granted the chiefs charters defining their duties and terms of relations with the government as well as defining a fixed border. The chief's rights to toll traders in their territory and settling of new villages would not be opposed. However, the kidnapping of Mary Winchester by Chief Bengkhuaia led to the British intervening in the Lushai Expedition. The incident was followed by other chiefs, such as Lalbura attacking the Monierkhal outpost and Thanranga raiding Nugdigram. The British replaced their Policy of Conciliation with the Forward Policy. Some Chiefs began to cooperate with the British and participated in their markets. Lalbura surrendered in his village when expeditionary forces reached Champhai. He was forced to grant the British their peace demands. The demands included granting free access to his village, providing three hostages to the force, seizure of arms and heavy fines. The fines consisted of elephant tusks, a necklace, a war gong and several animals. The force then recovered Mary Winchester and subdued numerous chiefs. Peace was established with the chiefs until 1888 when large-scale raiding resumed. The results of the Lushai expedition saw administrators like Edgar prefer a humanitarian approach of trade, barter and education versus T.H Lewin, who advocated complete subjugation of the tribes. The government's policy of non-intervention decided to ban British subjects from entering the Lushai Hills to potentially agitate raiders and chieftains.

Anti-Sailo rebellion (Lal Sawi)

In the 1880s, the Mizo people began to dethrone their chiefs and their upas. The rebellion began in 1885 in the village of Lalkhama, the son of Vuta. It spread further to the village of Hmawngkawn under Vanphunga. The villagers rounded up the chief and upas and made them hold burning firebrands in their hands. They brought the chiefs and upas to a trough of water and forced the chief to immerse the burning end of the firebrand and repeat a vow stating: "Just as this firebrand is extinguished, so let my chieftainship be extinguished". The upas were made to recite a similar oath: "If I back up, align myself, or side with the chief again, I will be doused and extinguished like this!".

The rebellion continued and many more villages followed suit in dethroning their chiefs. Many of Vuta's sons were stripped of their authority, power and chieftainship in an overthrow. Vanphunga fled to Lianphunga's village of Lungtian and requested him to take anything from his village to restore order. Lianphunga arrived to Hmawngkawn with Lalhluma. The villagers had placed a bamboo at the entrance and were armed with guns. They threatened to shoot anyone who would try to enter. Lalhluma declared his name and stepped over the bamboo line in defiance. No one shot at Lalhlume except for Luahmanga who missed Lalhluma. The individuals hence surrendered and accepted chieftainship once more. Lalhluma and Lianphunga confiscated whatever they wanted from Vanphunga and allowed the bad chiefs to restore their rule over the villages once more.

Chin-Lushai expedition

Within the peaceful years between the Mizo and the British, bazaars were established on the borders to encourage trade. The Lushai chiefs would barter rubber, ivory, and forest produce in return for salt, iron utensils, and tobacco. Internally, the Sailo chiefs engaged in the east–west war and encountered an anti-Sailo rebellion aimed at dethroning the chiefs, which was crushed. Depite the policy of non-interference, the British did intervene in the internal conflicts of the Lushai Hills. The British supplied help to Chief Lalngura against his enemy, the Howlong Chief Bengkhuaia. Help was provided to the Eastern chiefs conflict between Laljeika and Lalngura in 1881. After the death of Suikpilal, a close cooperator and prestigious chief, the succession wars over his descendants began, intensifying the anarchy in the Lushai Hills. The mautam famine also occurred in the 1880s; due to this, traders were encouraged to provide aid in rice under police protection.

By 1888, Sailo chiefs and a Pawi chief began to resume raiding British plantations and killing British subjects. Two expeditions were held in close succession in 1889. The first 1888 expedition oversaw exacting punishment to chiefs responsible for raiding in the south. A fort was established at Lunglei, and the force burnt down the offender, Housata's village. The second expedition, known as the Chin-Lushai Expedition of 1889–90, did not meet resistance from Mizo chiefs and saw the establishment of Fort Aijal. Captain Browne of the North Lushai Hills was responsible for disarming the tribes of guns but was ambushed fatally. The British eventually burned down several villages of the western chiefs who tried to attack Aijal. The eastern Sailo chiefs did not resist the British.

Lushai Rising

The chiefs continued to resist after establishing the North and South Lushai Hills. This was exacerbated by the policies of a house tax and coolie labour quotas. By 1895 the situation became stable in the Lushai Hills and chiefs no longer resisted the British militarily.

Ropuiliani

Ropuiliani was a Mizo chieftainess. She was the wife of a prestigious chief, Vandula in the South Lushai Hills. When her eldest son Dotawna died with only minor sons, Ropuiliani took over as regent and chieftainess. She continued her husband's policies of non-cooperation and resistance to British power. Negotiations were rejected, and taxes, labour levies, and rice demands were all withheld from the British. The settlement of the British at Lunglei led to Ropuiliani instigating her allies Zakapa and Dokapa to confront the British, attempting to disarm the chiefs. This is what led to the killing of H.R Browne. Ropuiliani and her son Lalthuama did not attend the Chief's Durbar held in 1890. She refused to attend all three durbars. The British efforts to let Ropuiliani's brothers Seipuia and Lalluava convince her also failed. The British even sent an interpreter known as a Rashi, which frustrated her to the point a warrior named Hnawncheuva executed the interpreter.

The British decided to raid Ropuiliani's village upon hearing of the execution. The raid was organized under Captain John Shakespeare and R.H.S Hutchinson and Pugh. It was discovered that Ropuiliani, Lalthuama and a northern chief, Doakoma, planned an uprising against the British. An ultimatum was given to pay a fine of several guns, pigs, fowls and rice. After some resistance, the British captured Ropuiliani and her son Lalthuama, which left the settlement leaderless. Ropuiliani was carried in a palanquin claiming she was unable to walk with her captors. In jail she was offered the opportunity for peace and freedom if she submitted to British rule which was rejected once again. Ropuiliani and her son were eventually moved to a prison in Chittagong Hill Tracts out of fear of her influence.

Ropuiliani's old age and health was reason of concern to free her from jail. Before she could be released, she died in confinement on 6 January 1895. Her death ultimately decentralized coordinate efforts to resist British takeover of the Lushai Hills. Guns amounting up to 100 in Ropuiliani's village and 500 in allies settlements were seized subsequently.

Mizo chiefdom in modern history

Chieftainship during British Rule

The first political officer of the North Lushai Hills, H.R Browne, was killed by resisting chiefs in 1890. The succeeding officer R.B. McCabe took action to punish the chiefs by burning down villages in the eastern hills and destroying crops. Rebellious chiefs such as Kalkhama, Lianphinga and Thanghula were deported. Another uprising in the South Lushai Hills was also crushed in 1891 led by Zakapa. Chiefs that resisted militarily to the new policies of house tax and coolie labour quotas had the villages burnt down subsequently. By 1895, Shakespeare of the South Lushai Hills decided that gentle civilian rule could be established rather than constant military responses. Outposts and forts were decommissioned for financial and budget reasons, and the British let the chiefs manage the internal administration of the villages.

During the British colonial era of Mizoram, the British pursued a gradual policy of weakening the power of the chiefs. The British allowed the chiefs to continue their rule in accordance with aligning to British interests and authorities such as the superintendent and administrators. A number of rights and privileges exercised by the chiefs were permitted to remain unaltered. This paled in comparison to the erosion of the prestige of chieftains and their traditional roles. In 1901 the British introduced the circle system administered by chiefs. The circle system would see regulations on the practice of jhumming by restricting it to the circle administered by the particular chief. British interest in cash crops such as coffee, cotton, potatoes and oranges was also introduced under private ownership policies, further changing the traditional doctrines of land distribution under chieftainships. Around this time the British also began to offer chieftainship to non-noble persons. The earliest and most prominent example being Chief Dâra of Pukpui.

The changes in chieftainship under British intervention can be seen as standardizing indirect rule of the Lushai tribes by limiting the power of the chiefs but granting autonomy in standard administration and chieftain rights. The land was under the government but effectively treated as a hereditary possession of chiefs who could exercise reasonable rights on it. The British also diluted the power of traditional chiefs by proclaiming and granting chieftainship on individuals who would not ordinarily be granted such a right under the traditional system. The British also extinguished certain rights of chiefs such as:

• The right to order capital punishment.
• Right to seize food stores and property of villagers who wishes to transfer allegiance to another chief.
• Right to tax traders doing business in the jurisdiction of the Chief.
• Right to freedom of action in making their son's chief of their territory or jurisdiction.
• Right to attach the property of their villagers when they wished or deemed fit with or without fault of the villager.
• Right to freedom of action in decisions involving bawis (slaves).

Customary Mizo law continued to be exercised by chiefs but serious crimes such as murder, rape and sodomy were to be put under British jurisdiction in courts at Aizawl and Lunglei. Novel responsibilities for chiefs included maintaining routes between villages, reporting epidemics, heinous crimes, serious accidents, and the presence of foreigners.

During this era a new privileged class began to emerge with British modernisation and Christianity. This privileged class would challenge the power of chieftainship in the Lushai Hills. The increase of employment in government jobs and rise of salaried employment allowed for the cultivation of material wealth which would afford social mobility. This increased opportunities for education beyond the free primary course which would require extensive agricultural cultivation to afford for traditional communities. This privileged class was described as an intelligentsia that did not belong to indigenous Lushai society. It dominated in fields of medicine as doctors, agriculture as experts and nurses which was increasingly pushed back upon and unappreciated.

The British also employed a policy known as non-interference. Non-interference saw that the British would rule and administrate the lands of the Lushai Hills through the Chief's and their existing institutions. The British tended to also confer chieftainship to anyone they felt that would be helpful as a collaborator, hence increasing the number of chiefs drastically through the years of administration. The British policy of sanctioning Chiefs to carry out administrative duties led to a pattern of autocratic tendencies in tribal leadership. The British also enabled the system of Bawis and headhunting, as these two factors determined the power of a chief and did not wish to curb these privileges. Tribal groups requested for a new administration and policy through democratic representation in a memorandum submitted to the Governor of Assam in December 1933. However, the memorandum was rejected by the governor on suspicions of conspiracy and objection to increasing representation for scheduled tribes.

In 1935, the Young Mizo Association (YMA) formed and voiced their issues during the latter era of the British colonial period. Their concerns particularly focussed on the lack of democratic institutions in Mizoram and the privileged positions of chiefs and their councils. R. Vanlawma, a member of the YMA, founded the Mizo Commoner's Union to oppose and abolish chiefly rule. Its leadership and political direction was to emerge in union with India as this would entail the disbandment of the institution of chieftainship. The party split into left-wing and right-wing factions. The right wing was dominated by chiefs who rejected the union with India. Some members of the Mizo Union right wing supported a union with Burma to form a separate province in Burma. This led to the establishment of the United Mizo Freedom Organization. However, with little time to campaign and having a reputation as privileged elite chiefs, support for the party was small and ineffective to secure any political goals.

In 1937 under Superintendent Anthony Gilchrist McCall, a new set of rules regulating the power and rights of the chiefs were standardised:

1. A chief was responsible for control of all villages under him in all respects.
2. A chief should know his subjects personally, understand their difficulties, their living conditions and should encourage them in all ways.
3. It was his duty to allot lands for cultivation to his subjects to ensure self-sufficiency in his subjects.
4. A Chief should decide all cases of civil and criminals disputes of his village in accordance with the district rules.
5. It was the duty of every chief got supervise the works of the khawchhiar of their respective village.
6. The Chiefs should act on and comply with the orders communicated to him.
7. It was the duty of Chiefs to maintain inter-village paths properly. They should also see the areas under the jurisidction were kept clean throughout the year.
8. The Chiefs must sign the House Tax Assessment Register maintained by the circle interpreters of the government.
9. The Chiefs should report to the Headquarters of all incidents of epidemics, crimes, violent deaths etc. within their respective jurisdiction.
10. Every chief should see that a list of all gun-holders of his village was properly maintained by his khawchhiar.
11. It was also the duty of the chief to see that no foreigners stayed or halted in his village without a pass issued by the superintendent.
12. No Chief should accept dawvankaina, a gift from his subject with the expectation of carrying out a favour.
13. The Chiefs in no case should raise subscriptions from the villagers to build corrugated iron roofed houses for their own use. Making of Chief's house should be according to custom.
14. A Chief and his subjects might collect funds for constructions of public importance such as bridges, schools, etc. This fund should be kept on record by the Chief of his khawchhiar. Works to be done in collecting funds on such projects must be on a voluntary basis.

Superintendent A.G. McCall also introduced the new policy of a chief's Durbar or council in 1939. It was a representative body of three chiefs from each circled consisting of 10-20 chiefs to be elected via private ballot. Nag argues this led to the decline of the power and prestige of the chiefs. In 1947 under Superintendent A.R.H. MacDonald, the Chief's durbar was expanded into the Mizo district council with commoners allowed to participate.

Chieftainship during Indian Rule

After Indian independence, the Indian constitutions permitted autonomy at both regional and local levels for chieftainships to manage their natural resources. The pre-independence superintendent of the Lushai Hills, L.L Peters, remained in position after the declaration of Indian independence. The policy of chiefly privilege was perpetuated with corruption, and his policies would safeguard the chiefs and their interests. The superintendent also allowed chiefs to report misbehaving subjects for punishment; this led to many members of the Mizo Union becoming targeted by chiefs and being arrested subsequently. Peters directly involved himself in the early period of Mizo politics by siding with the UMFO. Chatterjee argues that this is due to a support of the proposed crown colony scheme for the excluded areas to be possible with UMFO rule. Due to this Peters continued a policy of persecution of the Mizo Union similar to his predecessor A.R.H MacDonald who was transferred on the efforts of Saprawnga.

The Mizo Union organised an ultimatum of non-cooperation if Superintendent Peters was not removed from his post. Upon submitting a memorandum to the Government of Assam, the leaders of the Mizo Union were arrested. After the deadline for the ultimatum passed, supporters of the Mizo Union stopped obeying orders of the superintendent, stopped supplying taxation to their chiefs and halted all supply of labour as coolies to the administration. A massive crackdown with large-scale arrests and fines was imposed in retaliation for the protest. However, in the end, their boycott movement against Peters was successful and he was transferred out of Aizawl.

After the passing of the Assam Autonomous District Council Act 1951, the Lushai Hills district possessed more political agency in its domestic affairs. The Mizo Union secured dominance in the Lushai Hills Autonomous District. The superintendent positions was abolished and replaced with a weaker deputy commissioner role that would affect the chieftain's leverage with political policies.

Abolishment of chieftainship

The onset of Christianity saw a change in the traditional institutions of Mizo society, such as slavery and chieftainship. As more individuals and chiefs converted to Christianity, they released the Bawis or slaves held under their possession. However poorer, rural and destitute areas continued the tradition of maintaining bawis under their possession. One of the central figures to protest chieftainship and the bawi system was Hmar Khawbung Bawichuaka. The influence of Christianity made it so that the slave system of Mizo society was obsolete. However, this further stratified Mizo society as commoners were now bound in virtual serfdom to the chief.

The Mizo union would win all three seats to the Assam assembly in the 1952 general election. The following election in the same year saw the Mizo Union win all 3 of the seats in the Assam assembly and 15 districts secured out of 18. The first bill passed by the Mizo Union was the Lushai Hills (Chieftain Abolition) Act, 1952. It suspended the powers and rights afford by chiefs while allowing the continuation of their office and political structure. On the 1st of June 1953, the district council passed an act abolishing the taxations of thirdengsa, khuaichhiah and chikhuchhiah. The coolie system was also abolished on 1 January 1953. The Lushai Hills District Act no.III reduced the fathang (paddy tax) from six tins to 3 tins. The Lushai Hills Act (Acquisition of Chief's Rights) 1954 abolished chieftainship. The final legislation was the Lushai Hills Reorganisation of Chiefs' Rights Act 1954 which abolished the powers and privileges that chiefs held onto. The LHA came into force in 1958 while the RCRA came into effect April 1956, 259 Lushai chiefs and 50 Pawi-Lakher chiefs were affected by the act and village councils were established instead.