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Integration of immigrants in Germany

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Through Germany, South Korea and Portugal

History

In the theory of social Desintegration, integration is understood as a successful relationship between freedom and commitment, with three dimensions being considered: the social structural, institutional and personal dimensions. If integration fails and disintegration occurs, this leads to a loss of social cohesion and is ultimately the cause of violence.

Integration of refugees and forcibly resettled Germans from Eastern Europe

The more than 8 million displaced persons who were taken in by West Germany and almost four million by East Germany between the end of the war and 1950 were not counted as immigrants. In East Germany, these displaced persons – also known as "resettlers" – made up almost a quarter of the population, and they initially experienced exclusion and decline, especially in rural areas. Until the construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961, there were also more than 4.3 million resettlers (Übersiedler) from the GDR to the Federal Republic of Germany and almost 400,000 resettlers from the Federal Republic of Germany to the GDR. The GDR refugees integrated into the Federal Republic of Germany without developing an identity as a group, and they had German citizenship from the outset.

Since 1950, approximately 4.5 million (late) resettlers have been accepted into Germany.

Repatriates and late repatriates since the eastern treaties

Although ethnic German resettlers and late resettlers had and in some cases still have similar integration problems as foreign migrants and their descendants, and although migration researcher Jannis Panagiotidis argues for analyzing the development of Germans from Russia who immigrated to Germany after 1991 under the category of "post-Soviet migration", many of those affected and their associations resist being considered "migrants". This population group often has quick access to German citizenship and sometimes already has a good knowledge of German upon immigration.

In the theory of social Desintegration, integration is understood as a successful relationship between freedom and commitment, with three dimensions being considered: the social structural, institutional and personal dimensions. If integration fails and disintegration occurs, this leads to a loss of social cohesion and is ultimately the cause of violence.

Recruitment policy under the assumption of return

The largest immigrant groups and their descendants in Germany include the population of Turkish origin. Among the foreign population, Turks, Poles and Italians are the most strongly represented (2015 with around 1.5 million, 0.7 million and 0.6 million respectively).

Between 1955 and 1973, approximately 14 million guest workers came to West Germany as a result of recruitment agreements with Italy, Spain, Greece, Turkey, Morocco, South Korea, Portugal, Tunisia and Yugoslavia; about 11 million returned home. In post-war West Germany, the integration of foreign immigrants was not part of the political discourse for a long time. This was based on the assumption that the guest workers (Gastarbeiter), who were mostly employed as unskilled laborers, would return to their homeland after a few years. Migration researcher Olaf Kleist emphasizes that when guest workers were recruited in the 1960s, "a certain amount of ghettoization was partly desired. There were special school classes for the children of guest workers. Integration was to be prevented because it was always assumed that the guest workers were only staying in Germany temporarily." And in the East Germany, the contract workers (Vertragsarbeiter) lived clearly separated from the citizens.

However, the assumption that most guest workers would return turned out to be wrong over time. Since about 2005, integration policy in Germany has gained in importance.

The guest workers from Turkey were recruited for unskilled and semi-skilled jobs and, in both the first and second generations, have below-average German language skills, an extremely strong limitation of friendship networks to their own ethnic group and the worst integration into the labour market. From Iran, on the other hand, there was an exodus of elites with a high level of education and relatively low levels of religiosity. Most of them are well integrated. The social background of the parents is therefore crucial for the success of integration.

Integration policy since around 2005

The principles of state integration measures are laid down in §§ 43 to 45 of the Residence Act (AufenthG), which came into force on 1 January 2005, supplemented by the Integrationskursverordnung (IntV). Further regulations apply to certain foreigners – for example, EU citizens, asylum seekers, displaced persons, members of the armed forces.

In the Immigration Act, which contained the first version of the Residence Act, the term "integration" was used for the first time in migration policy legislation in 2005. It was in this context that the modern integration courses were introduced.

Previously, the justification for the revision of the Aliens Act had addressed the role of the right of expulsion in relation to integration. At the time, the legislator had declared that the right of expulsion creates clarity about the possible reasons for termination of residence and thus enables foreigners to "structure their stay in the federal territory in such a way that they do not provide any reason for termination of residence." The right of expulsion is therefore "a — reasonable — basis for integration," because "anyone who stays within the limits of the reasons for expulsion is protected from expulsion".

In 2005, in addition to the previously usual distinction between foreigners and Germans, the microcensus for the first time classified people with German citizenship to investigate the migration of immigrants and the next generation: Since then, the microcensus has differentiated people with and without a migration background based on their migration status and the possible migration of their parents after 1949. According to the Federal Institute for Population Research (BiB), the background to this distinction was "the question of the need for integration and the actual integration of people who have German citizenship but nevertheless have a migration background (for example, resettlers, naturalised citizens, children of foreign parents)". With its definition, the BiB contradicted the claim in 2005 that resettlers and late resettlers are not migrants and should therefore not be included in studies on the topic of migration.

In the coalition agreement of 2005, integration policy was seen as a cross-cutting task . At the beginning of the 16th Bundestag, the commissioner for migration, refugees and integration was therefore assigned to the Federal Chancellery and upgraded to minister of state. A first integration summit was held in 2006 and it was agreed to draw up a National Integration Plan. The Integration Ministers' Conference was subsequently held in 2007.

As a cross-sectional task, integration policy affects a wide range of policy areas and is closely linked to migration policy and social policy in particular. While integration policy continues to focus on the local level, a ministry in each federal state is now responsible for the area of integration. At the federal level and in almost every federal state, the office of a foreigners' or integration commissioner has also been created.

The German Islam Conference was opened by the Federal Minister of the Interior in September 2006 as an institutionalized dialogue process between the German state and Muslims in Germany.

In a 2012 publication by the Federal Agency for Civic Education, the state of integration was described as "not satisfactory despite the National Integration Plan of 2007", as significant differences between people with and without a migration background persist. Even well-qualified foreign workers are more affected by unemployment and have a lower labour force participation rate than the corresponding groups without a migration background. It is emphasized that integration policy in Germany is now similar to that of other Western European countries, but that Germany took this step very late.

Today, the Federal Ministry of the Interior (BMI) describes the "integration of immigrants living permanently and legally in Germany" as "one of the most important domestic policy tasks", both in terms of granting rights and observing obligations. Previously, the BMI had emphasised the guideline "promoting and demanding", in the tradition of activating social policy, as practiced in Germany especially since Agenda 2010.

Further developments in the refugee crisis from 2015

The 2015–2016 German refugee crisis presented new challenges regarding the integration of newcomers for German refugee policy. The topic of integration became particularly explosive in German politics in 2015 in the wake of the 2015–2016 German migrant crisis.

With the entry into force of the Asylum Procedure Acceleration Act on 24 October 2015, integration courses were also opened to asylum seekers and tolerated persons, provided they have a good prospect of staying. However, refugee associations criticised the different access to integration courses depending on the prospect of staying: Pro Asyl expressed the view that this sorting in many cases ensures "that the integration of people who will stay permanently in Germany is unnecessarily delayed".

In December 2015, Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) politicians Manuela Schwesig, Andrea Nahles, Barbara Hendricks, Aydan Özoguz and Malu Dreyer presented a twelve-point plan for cohesion and integration in Germany. The integration concept was focused on education as the key to integration and participation and envisaged, among other things, 10,000 additional positions in the Federal Volunteers Service for refugees, 80,000 additional childcare places, 20,000 additional educators and an all-day school programme. In the interests of labour market integration, refugees were to take part in language courses and measures to enter the labour market at the same time, qualifications were to be obtained more quickly and with less bureaucracy and 100,000 additional jobs were to be created in the context of refugee aid. Funding for housing construction for 350,000 new apartments was also included. In response to a request from the Greens, the Federal Government described this integration concept in January 2016 as a "political position paper" on which the Federal Government did not have to comment. Member of the German Bundestag Katja Dörner subsequently assessed the presentation of this plan as a "pure show event".

At the end of 2015, the Federal Voluntary Service with reference to refugees (Section 18 BFDG) was introduced and the BFD was provided with 10,000 additional positions limited to three years. Since 2016, some federal states have been offering legal education classes for refugees in addition to the integration course.

In May 2016, the federal government passed a draft integration law. After amendments, the integration law was passed in July 2016, which, among other things, provides for a residency requirement for recognized refugees, the requirement of integration services for a settlement permit, a partial waiver of the priority test, an expansion of orientation courses and a toleration for the duration of the training and possibly a further two years. It largely came into force on 6 August 2016.

In the course of the 2015–2016 German migrant crisis onwards, there was increased social debate about Islam and Islamism, for example with reference to Sharia law in contemporary Western states and the role of women.

In March 2016, Germany's Federal Center for Health Education, under the assumption that at least some of the migrants would need sex education, launched a website aimed at the newcomers. Teaching everything from masturbation, first-time sex, family planning, sexually transmitted diseases, to respect for members of the LGBTQ community, the site drew some criticism because of the graphic depictions and descriptions of sexual acts. While some disagreed with the use of tax payer money going to this project, some for economic reasons and others for assuming that the migrants need sex education, supporters argued that providing knowledge on German sexual norms was an important part in the integration process.

There have been repeated attempts to define more precisely what integration means and what its prerequisites are. For example, Federal Minister of the Interior Thomas de Maizière stated that to integrate, refugees must not only recognise the Basic law, but also become involved in German society. For this, a commitment to non-violent coexistence is just as important as understanding the Holocaust.

There are reports from refugee camps that religious minorities such as Yazidis and Christians being harassed by Muslim refugees and insulted as infidels.

Stefan Luft also points to norms of masculinity that legitimize violence, a high propensity for violence and a high level of violence, which can be a major challenge for teachers and police officers, even to the point of being overwhelming, and which they cannot be left alone to deal with.

A structural problem is that decisions about which refugees have the right to stay take a relatively long time. During this period, it is not possible (even by state bodies) to prevent those who are capable of integration and willing to integrate from making progress in integrating into German society. Such progress continues even when a person who is actually required to leave the country cannot actually be deported, primarily because his nationality cannot be proven or because the country of which he is a citizen does not want to accept him. If German state bodies finally "succeed" in deporting the person concerned, he is often torn out of a network of relationships in which he is needed (also from the German perspective). Critics see this process as a "refusal of integration from above".

With regard to refugee policy, Pro Asyl criticized plans for anchor centres in 2018, as the isolation in such centres would hinder the integration of those who would remain in Germany.

Asylum policy

Asylum seekers are initially subject to severe restrictions with regard to their integration: a ban on working, compulsory central accommodation in refugee shelters and a residency requirement. Although such regulations can negatively affect the integration system, they are designed to reduce incentives ("pull factors") for applying for asylum in Germany.

Die Regelungen zum Arbeitsmarktzugang von Flüchtlingen änderten sich im Laufe der Zeit erheblich. Die Genfer Flüchtlingskonvention gibt hierzu auch keine Vorgaben. Asylberechtigten wurde ab 1971 systematisch eine Arbeitserlaubnis erteilt, wobei von der Vorrangprüfung abgesehen wurde. Nach dem Anwerbestopp von 1973 galt für Geflüchtete ein Arbeitsverbot, das 1975 teilweise gelockert wurde, um die Kommunen finanziell zu entlasten. Ab Anfang der 1980er Jahre erteilte die Bundesanstalt für Arbeit nunmehr Asylbewerbern während des ersten Jahres des Asylverfahrens keine Arbeitserlaubnisse mehr; ab 1982 galt dies für zwei Jahre. Baden-Württemberg (ab 1982) und Bayern (ab 1985) erteilten Asylbewerbern für die Dauer ihres Asylverfahrens ein generelles Arbeitsverbot. 1985/86 wurden Arbeitsverbote für die Dauer von fünf Jahren eingeführt. Im Zuge der Flüchtlingspolitik nach der Wiedervereinigung wurde dieses Verbot im Laufe des Jahres 1991 schrittweise auf ein Jahr reduziert, dann aufgehoben, 1992 wiedereingeführt und auf drei Monate festgesetzt und 1993 weiter verschärft. Under the Blüm Decree, which was later declared unconstitutional in case law and subsequently withdrawn, asylum seekers were not granted any work permits from 1997 to the end of 2000 on the grounds of high unemployment; later, access to work was made possible again on the basis of a priority check and a condition check. Access to the labour market was re-regulated in 2005 with the Immigration Act.

An explicit, cut-off date-dependent 'right of residence regulation' for de facto integrated foreigners was introduced by the decision of the Conference of Interior Ministers on 17 November 2006 and was specified and supplemented on 28 August 2007 by statutory regulations linked to the cut-off date of 1 July 2007 (Sections 104a and 104b of the Residence Act). They were later supplemented by dynamic regulations, i.e. are not tied to a fixed date: On 1 January 2009 (Section 18a of the Residence Act) and additionally on 1 July 2011 (Section 25a of the Residence Act). On 1 August 2015 (Section 25b of the Residence Act ), introduced regulations for a residence permit for well-integrated tolerated persons and their children.

Effects of the COVID-19 pandemic

The COVID-19 pandemic in Germany created additional hurdles to integration. Language and integration courses were generally cancelled or carried out online in 2020. Due to a lack of parallel childcare options or a lack of technical equipment or knowledge, many people dropped out. Opportunities for refugees in collective accommodation and locals to meet were no longer available – such as contact with volunteers and sports. Children of migrants sometimes received little help with homeschooling or virtual school attendance. Educational providers reported that refugees had difficulties integrating into the job or training market, especially since companies were reluctant to offer internships. The Munich-based Ifo Institute for Economic Research reported that from the beginning of the pandemic, unemployment among refugees and migrants was higher than among Germans, excluding systemically important areas such as nursing, in which they were overrepresented.

Integration of refugees from Ukraine

From February 2022, many war refugees from Ukraine came to other European countries, including Germany as a result of the Russian invasion. The vast majority of refugees are women and children. After initially only receiving benefits under the Asylum Seekers Benefits Act, they have had access to regular social benefits arranged through the Jobcenter since 1 June 2022.

The Institute for Employment Research (IAB) assessed the formal educational level of the Ukrainian population as "relatively high". In this context, the IAB stressed the need for sufficient high-quality and flexible childcare options so that women can attend language and integration courses and then be integrated into the labour market. According to media reports, Ukrainian highly qualified people often take on jobs for which they are overqualified due to various hurdles - including language skills requirements and delays in the recognition of training.

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