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Myanmar protests (2021–present)

Protests against the February 2021 coup

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Through State of emergency

Protesters mostly employed peaceful and nonviolent forms of protest, which included acts of civil disobedience, labour strikes, a military boycott campaign, a pot-banging movement, a red ribbon campaign, public protests, and formal recognition of the election results by elected representatives. The colour red, which is associated with the National League for Democracy (NLD), has been donned by many protesters. "Kamba Ma Kyay Buu", a song that was first popularised as the anthem of the 8888 Uprising (1988), has been revitalised by the civil disobedience movement as a protest song. The three-finger salute has been widely adopted by protesters as a protest symbol.

In response to the growing protest movement, the military leaders of the coup enacted a number of countermeasures. These included internet and social media blackouts, a media blackout, pursuit of arrests and criminal sentences against protesters, the spread of disinformation, political overtures to competing political parties to participate in the self-appointed State Administration Council (to replace the elected government body), deployment of pro-military protesters and instigators, and the violent use of force to suppress protests.

Armed insurgencies by the People's Defence Force of the National Unity Government have erupted throughout Myanmar in response to the military government's crackdown on anti-coup protests.

Background

The 2021 Myanmar coup d'état began on the morning of 1 February 2021 when democratically elected members of Myanmar's ruling party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), were deposed by the Tatmadaw – Myanmar's military – which vested power in a stratocracy, the State Administration Council. The Tatmadaw declared a year-long state of emergency and declared power had been vested in Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services Min Aung Hlaing. The coup d'état occurred the day before the Parliament of Myanmar was due to swear in the members elected at the November 2020 general election, thereby preventing this from occurring. President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi were detained, along with ministers and their deputies and members of Parliament.

When the coup took place, a key source of mobilisation were industrial workers in Myanmar, who understood the coup as an event that would pave the way for greater worker exploitation and wage depression. Workers went on to form a key base from which the Spring revolution developed. However, the ability of workers in Myanmar to mobilise and resist against the coup, while not prevented outright, was weakened by the pre-coup democratic transition era. In this period, international financial institutions, foreign consultants, US-trained Burmese advisors, and Myanmar's governments (including the NLD), restricted the ability of workers, peasants, and students to organise. The effect of which was the limiting of the mass base that emerged after the coup in exchange for an investment friendly environment.

The coup took place amid the COVID-19 pandemic. Myanmar was struggling with one of the most severe outbreaks in Southeast Asia, owing to its poor health infrastructure and ongoing internal conflict. The country had begun its COVID-19 vaccination deployment a few days before the coup. The country's economy had also been greatly affected by the pandemic, shrinking by 5% during 2020.

Recognition of election outcomes

Representatives elected in the November 2020 elections have not officially recognised the legitimacy of the coup d'état. On 4 February 2021, around seventy MP-elects from the NLD took an oath of office in Naypyidaw, pledging to abide by the people's mandate, and serve as lawmakers for a five-year term. The following day, 300 elected legislators formed a committee to conduct parliamentary affairs, the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH). The committee held its first session on Zoom.

On 6 February 2021, several political parties, including the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), the Democratic Party for a New Society (DPNS), the Karen National Party, and Asho Chin National Party, announced they had rejected the military's offer to participate in the State Administration Council. The Karenni National Progressive Party has publicly denounced the military coup and the coup's detrimental effect on controlling the COVID-19 pandemic and ongoing peace talks, and called for the NLD and Armed Forces to compromise, in order to resolve the country's political stalemate.

On 7 February, the parliamentary committee condemned the military coup as a "criminal act" and dismissed Min Aung Hlaing's military cabinet as being illegitimate. The committee cited the military with violating Chapter 6 of the Myanmar Penal Code in overthrowing the civilian government. CRPH has advised UN diplomats and the international community to contact the committee to discuss official government business.

On 14 February, the Karen National Union issued a statement announcing its public support for the ongoing protests, and characterised the military's seizure of power as a step toward military dictatorship, contrary to the vision of national reconciliation.

On 15 February, the Committee for Shan State Unity, a coalition of Shan ethnic armed groups and political parties that includes the Restoration Council of Shan State, the Shan State Progress Party, the Shan National League for Democracy, and the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party, and the Sin Kyawt Militia, publicly opposed the coup, announcing its support of the ongoing protests, and calling for the abolition of the 2008 constitution and restoration of civilian-led government.

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