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Opposition to Vladimir Putin in Russia

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Through Russia and Socialism

The "systemic opposition" is mainly composed of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR), the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF), A Just Russia (SRZP), New People and other minor parties; these political groups, while claiming to be in opposition, generally support the government's policies. It is therefore debated whether systemic groups that hold a formal title of "opposition" in Russia should be classified as such if they do not actually challenge the government.

Major political parties considered to be part of the non-systemic opposition include Yabloko and the People's Freedom Party (PARNAS), along with de-facto defunct Russia of the Future and Libertarian Party of Russia (LPR). Other notable opposition groups included the Russian Opposition Coordination Council (KSO) (2012–2013) and The Other Russia (2006–2011), as well as various non-governmental organizations (NGOs).

Their supporters vary in political ideology, ranging from liberals, communists, socialists, and anarchists to Russian nationalists. They are mainly unified by their opposition to Putin and government corruption. However, a lack of unity within the opposition has also hindered its standing. Opposition figures claim that a number of laws have been passed and other measures taken by Putin's government to prevent them from having any electoral success.

Background and composition

The Guardian's report from Luke Harding noted that during the 2000s, Neo-Nazis, Russian nationalists, and ultranationalist groups were the most significant opposition to Putin's government.

Prominent Russian liberal opposition figure Alexei Navalny said before his 2020 poisoning that the Kremlin was "far more afraid of ultra-nationalists than they were of him", noting that "[the ultranationalists] use the same imperial rhetoric as Putin does, but they can do it much better than him".

On 4 March 2022, Russian President Vladimir Putin signed into law a bill introducing prison sentences of up to 15 years for spreading "fake news" about Russia's military operation in Ukraine; thousands of Russians have been prosecuted under this law for criticizing Russia's invasion of Ukraine, including opposition politician Ilya Yashin and artist Aleksandra Skochilenko. Persecution was directed against pro-democracy and anti-war Russians, while criticism of the Putin regime by pro-war activists and ultranationalists was largely ignored.

Levada Center polls from 2022 indicated that there were at least 30 million pro-European Russians who opposed the war in Ukraine, but very few of them were able to leave Russia. Literary critic Galina Yuzefovich said that leaving Russia is a "privilege" for those who can "afford it". Exiled opposition groups have adapted media strategies emphasizing values like anti-corruption and democracy to achieve virtual mobilization via platforms like Telegram and YouTube.

In 2022 and 2023, political experts in Russia and in the United States described the far-right ultranationalist opposition to Putin as possibly "the most serious challenge" to the Russian regime.

Some observers noted what they described as a "generational struggle" among Russians over the perception of Putin's rule, with younger Russians more likely to be against Putin and his policies and older Russians more likely to accept the narrative presented by state-controlled media in Russia. Putin's approval rating among young Russians was 32% in January 2019, according to the Levada Center. Another poll from the organization placed Putin's support among Russians aged 18–24 at 20% in December 2020.

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