Lably
Skip to content

Women in ancient and imperial China

  • 30 min read
  • 2 chapters

Related on Lably

Through Pastoralism

Lab · Class 6–12Ancient Indian Ocean Trade

Women had greater freedom during the Tang dynasty, and a woman, Wu Zetian, ruled China for several decades. However, the status of women declined from the Song dynasty onward, which has been blamed on the rise of neo-Confucianism, and restrictions on women became more pronounced. A number of practices, such as footbinding and widow chastity became common.

The study of women's history in the context of imperial China has been pursued for many years. The societal status of both women and men in ancient China was closely related to the Chinese kinship system.

Ancient China

Received Chinese historiography about ancient China was edited heavily by Confucian scholars in the 4th century BCE, who aimed to show that the dynastic system of government extended as far back into the past as possible. These texts, like the Zuo zhuan and Classic of Poetry, focus on male nobles and scholars, with infrequent references to women. One exception is Biographies of Exemplary Women, compiled in the 1st century BCE as a collection of cautionary tales for men, highlighting the advantages of virtuous women, as well as the dangers posed by loose ones. The majority of women included were members of the nobility and were generally depicted as passive, with their male guardians (husbands or fathers) controlling their actions. The marital division of labor of "men plow, women weave" is expected to widen the gap in power of household decision-making in favor of men, keeping women in a subordinate position. In contrast, archaeological remains from pre-Confucian periods show that women played active roles at all levels of society.

Neolithic

Neolithic society in China is perceived to be matrilineal, with patrilineal societies becoming dominant later with the rise of pastoralism and the first social division of labor. This originates from Marxist theories of historical materialism, which argue that social structure is determined by the economy. The fact that burials of both women and men of the Yangshao culture have grave goods, even though each had different types of items, was used to show that Marx's first great social division of labor had not occurred, thus the Yangshao culture is presumed to have been matrilineal. This assumption continues to be influential in modern archaeology.

Female figurines representing either goddesses or fertility symbols have been found at several sites of the Hongshan culture in Liaoning province, as well as the Xinglongwa culture in eastern Inner Mongolia. These figures are posed with their hands resting on their large bellies and, as the Niuheliang figure was found inside a temple, this supports the idea that they were worshipped. The division between female and male was also likely less rigid in the Neolithic than in later periods, as demonstrated by a vessel from the Majiayao culture site of Liupingtai (Chinese: 六平台) in Qinghai. The figure on the pot has both male and female genitalia, leading archaeologists to argue that the genders combined were considered to be powerful, perhaps as a precursor to later yin and yang philosophy.

Women buried at sites belonging to the Majiayao culture are often accompanied by spindle whorls, suggesting that weaving was an important occupation. When a male and female were buried together, they lay next to each other in the same positions, suggesting no difference in social status. By the Qijia culture, the woman is found buried outside of the main coffin along with the grave goods, as at Liuwan in Ledu, Qinghai. This suggests that the women were being treated as possessions of the men buried in the main grave. The left leg of one female in a double burial was even caught beneath the coffin lid, which archaeologists suggest indicates that she was buried alive. The Lower Xiajiadian culture cemetery of Dadianzi (Chinese: 大甸子) in the north contained equal numbers of men and women, suggesting that both were given equal burial rites. In addition, the women's average age at death was slightly higher than the men's, which indicates that they lived longer. This contrasts with the pattern at other cemeteries of the same period, where fewer women received formal burial.

Shang dynasty

Women's status varied between regions during the Shang dynasty. While Shang dynasty women are thought to have been considered lower in status to men, archaeological excavations of burials have shown that women not only could reach high status but that they also exercised political power. The tomb of Fu Hao, consort of King Wu Ding, contained precious jade objects and ritual bronze vessels, demonstrating her wealth. In addition, texts from the Shang dynasty have been excavated that record Fu Hao leading troops into battle to the north of Shang territories, conquering states, leading services to worship ancestors, and assisting in political affairs at court. After her death, Fu Hao was honored by later rulers as Ancestor Xin and given sacrifices to ensure she remained benevolent.

Ordinary women in the Shang society also played key roles in daily life, producing textiles, preparing food, and managing household economies. Some women participated in religious rituals as assistants or minor priestesses, showing that spiritual and ceremonial roles were not limited to elite figures.

The topics of the oracle bones suggest that the Shang preferred male children, as the question posed to one bone was whether Fu Hao's pregnancy would be good. The bone records that the pregnancy was, "not good; [the child] was a girl." In addition, male rulers were allowed to marry several wives in order to improve their chances of having male children. Fu Hao was, thus, referred to as consort, whereas Fu Jing (Chinese: 婦井) was also the first wife.

Despite the preference for male heirs, elite women like Fu Hao could exercise significant influence, while other wives and daughters often contributed indirectly to political or economic affairs through household management, religious activities, and arranging alliances through marriage.

Zhou dynasty

By the Zhou dynasty, Chinese society was decidedly patriarchal, with female and male social roles determined by a strict, feudal hierarchy. The foundation for enforced division of women and men in later times appeared during the Eastern Zhou or Spring and Autumn period, when mohists and legalists began to espouse the advantages to each sex performing stereotypical work roles; in theory, such a division guaranteed morality and social order. Well-ordered gender relations gradually came to be expressed in the phrase, "men plow, women weave," (Chinese: 男耕女織). This division expanded to create social separation between men and women. The Book of Changes states that, "among family members, women's proper place is inside and man's proper place is outside." The written sources indicate that women were increasingly confined to enforce this gender separation, with women of lower social status expected to return home when not engaged in unavoidable work outside. Noblewomen enjoyed the luxury of not having to work outside and their family's ability to sequester them from the male gaze became an indication of their status.

Transmitted texts give a general impression of how literate, mainly male, Zhou people perceived women. They indicate that male children were preferred, with female children seen as less valuable to the family collective than males. Up to age 9, a female child might receive the same education as a male, however, at age 10, girls were expected to study the Three Obediences and Four Virtues; 'obediences' refers to the expectation that she would first obey her father, then her husband, then her sons after her husband's death. After marriage, women were expected to live with their husband's family and demonstrate filial piety towards his parents as if they were her own. The custom of the groom's family financially compensating the bride's family for losing her can be traced back to the Zhou dynasty as set out in the Six Rites.

The specifications of the Zhou ritual texts regarding women were not always followed. For example, the cemetery of the Marquises of Jin in Shanxi contained 19 joint burials of the Jin lords and their wives. Based on the rich burial goods, archaeologists have suggested that women's status was closer to that of the men during the 10th century BC, potentially because the Zhou dynasty rituals were not yet strictly implemented. In burials from the early 9th century, however, the quantity of bronze vessels accompanying the wives decreases markedly, suggesting that the ritual system dictating a wife's subordination to her husband was in place. The burial of a Jin lord dating to the 8th century BCE, in contrast, is smaller than either tomb of his two wives, an act explicitly forbidden by the texts. This demonstrates the waning power of the Zhou government, as well as the variability in the levels of application of the rituals.

There are records of women during this period advising male relatives on political strategy, defending themselves against harsh legal sentences, teaching noblemen how to shoot arrows correctly, admonishing their ruler for unacceptable behaviour, and composing poetry. There is also a record of King Wu of Zhou appointing his wife Yi Jiang (Chinese: 邑姜) as one of his nine ministers.

Spring and Autumn period

The decline of the Zhou dynasty's power heralded a period where its feudal states became increasingly independent and powerful in their own right. Philosophies that dictated how the world should be ordered became particularly abundant in this period of unrest, the majority of which emphasized women's inferiority to their male counterparts. The Book of Rites dictates that a woman should be married by 20 or, "if there is a problem, be married by 23." Despite this, female relatives of rulers played key roles in diplomacy. For example, two wives of Duke Wen of Zheng personally visited King Cheng of Chu to thank him after he sent military aid to Zheng.

In spite of social rules that the sexes should be segregated, women were in charge of events held in their home (the domestic sphere), even if social rules meant that they should not appear to be. Even for meetings that were restricted to males, the woman of the house is often recorded as keeping a watchful eye on events. In one case, a minister of Jin requested that his wife assess his colleagues during a drinking party from behind a screen; his wife then gave the minister advice on the personalities of his guests. Similarly, a minister of Cao allowed his wife to observe a meeting between himself and Chong'er of Jin. She judged that Chong'er would become an exceptional leader, however, the ruler of Cao Duke Gong treated Chong'er with disrespect. After his reinstatement, Chong'er invaded Cao. The evidence, therefore, suggests that women were closely involved with important political and social events, serving as advisers, planners, and providers of food.

Recorded professions for women of lower social classes in this period include weavers, cooks, and musical performers. However, the majority of textual and archaeological evidence concerns upper-class women, which makes it difficult to reconstruct the lives of everyday people.

Sign in to keep reading

One more chapter is free with a Lably account.

More in Ancient

Roman Empire27 BC–476/1453 AD state and civilizationRoman RepublicPeriod of Roman history (c. 509 – 27 BC)Hellenistic periodPeriod of eastern Mediterranean history from 323 to 30 BCSasanian EmpireLast pre-Islamic Iranian empire (224–651 AD)CeltsCollection of Indo-European peoples sharing Celtic languages and cultural traitsGermanic peoplesHistorical category of northern European peoples