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Economy of the Russian Empire

Economic history of Russia prior to 1917

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  • 5 chapters

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Through Economic stagnation, Industrialisation and Election

Russian national income per capita increased and moved to closer to the most developed economies of Northern and Western Europe from the late 17th century to the mid 18th century. After the mid 18th century, the Russian economy stagnated and declined. In the 18th century, Russian national income per capita was about 40–70% of British per capita income but higher than Poland's. By 1860, Russian GDP per capita was similar to that of Japan; one-third of GDP per capita in the United States or the United Kingdom; and twice that of China or India. Russia was a late industrializer. Over the course of the late 19th century and early 20th century, Russia's railroad system expanded considerably, enabling greater industrialization.

Serfdom, which held back development of the wage labor market and created a shortage of labor for industry, was abolished in 1861. In the aftermath, GDP per capita was volatile and did not substantially increase. Steady economic growth began in the 1890s, alongside a structural transformation of the Russian economy. By the time World War I started, more than half the Russian economy was still devoted to agriculture. By the early 20th century, the Russian economy had fallen further behind the American and British economies. From the late 19th century to the early 20th century, the economy grew at a similar pace as the Japanese economy and faster than the Brazilian, Indian and Chinese economies.

Abolition of serfdom

In February 1861, Emperor Alexander II signed the Emancipation reform of 1861 and the Manifesto. Both documents were distributed in 45 provinces. The development of small business was restrained by the existence of serfdom. Thus, new opportunities for entrepreneurs were opened only after the abolition of serfdom in 1861. The power of the landowners over the peasants was abolished, and the peasants received personal freedom. The former serf became a legal entity that had the right to own property, engage in trade and crafts, marry without the consent of the landowner, initiate legal claims and participate in elections to local governments. The peasants received the estate and the allotment for permanent use, which they could not get rid of earlier than 9 years later. Land left to the peasants remained the legal property of the landowner until the conclusion of the redemption transaction. Prior to its conclusion, the peasants were considered temporarily liable and differed from the serfdom in the more precise fixing of peasant duties by law. The size of the allotment and the volume of duties were fixed by the charter, for the preparation of which was given 2 years. That is why the implementation of the reform began in 1863.

Later, the originally proposed norms were significantly reduced. If the pre-reform allotment was less than the established one, then cutting was provided at the lower rate, and if more, then the surplus was cut off in favor of the landowner. These lands are called segments. Especially, a lot of land was cut off from peasants in the Central Black Earth Region. On average, peasants received 3.3 tithes per male soul, which did not provide them with a living wage. Women were not given land. Another of the injustices of the new land system was that the landowner left most of the grazing land and forests that serfs formerly use freely. Now they had to be rented for a fee, which constantly created the basis for clashes between peasants and landowners.

Peasants bought the estate and allotment. The repurchase amount in the Non-Chernozem zone included capitalization of the quitrent. The cost of land purchased by peasants included the price of serf souls. In other words, the bank must be paid such an amount that the annual 6% of it makes an income equal to the rent. Redemption payments included not only the market value of the land received, but also in hidden form the value of the identity of the peasant. The role of the intermediary banker in carrying out the redemption operation was assumed by the government.

The peasants paid the landowner 20% of the redemption amount. The remaining 80% of the cost of land was paid for by the state. The state provided the peasant with a redemption loan, thus giving him money on credit. The peasants had to pay off installment debt for 49 years in the form of "redemption payments" at the rate of 6% per annum of the redemption amount. In general, the peasants bought not only land, but also the value of serf labor, which enabled the state to cash in on the redemption operation.

Unlike Austria and Prussia, the Russian government did not invest a single ruble in agrarian reform, but managed to make the redemption operation beneficial to the state. The debts of the landowners were transferred to the shoulders of the peasants. They financed the development of the noble economy, helping it grow into capitalism and switch to bourgeois rails. The more the landowner economy was capitalized, the less the peasant had the opportunity to become a farmer. Russian agrarian capitalism was competitive in the world market, remaining backward. Feudal remnants were present, as this guaranteed cheapness and ease of management. Everything changed with the appointment of Stolypin as Minister of Internal Affairs, Nikolai 2 back in 1903 proposed to carry out agrarian reform, but the zemstvo rejected his proposals. Stolypin decided to continue this idea. In 1906, a massive purchase of landed estates by the peasant bank began, all these lands were sold cheaply to peasants, which bore fruit and by 1916 more than 90% of all cultivated land belonged to peasants. However, this had the other side of the coin, peasant farms provided less food than landlords and this almost caused famine, the imperial government was able to avoid a new catastrophe with huge costs. Nevertheless, peasant welfare grew, the most extreme estimates of peasant income growth for 1900-1913 show that there was an increase of one and a half times (from 22 rubles to 33), however, these estimates are not accurate and do not reflect some secondary incomes of peasants, as well as their secret savings. All this was provided that the peasant was not in a state of increased labor tension most of the time.

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