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Foreign policy of the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration

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The 1930s were a high point of isolationism in the United States. The key foreign policy of Roosevelt's first term was the continuation of Hoover's Good Neighbor policy, in which the U.S. took a non-interventionist stance in Latin American affairs. Foreign policy issues came to the fore in the late 1930s, as Nazi Germany, Japan, and Italy took aggressive actions against other countries. In response to fears that the United States would be drawn into foreign conflicts, Congress passed the Neutrality Acts, a series of laws that prevented trade with belligerents. After Japan invaded China and Germany invaded Poland, Roosevelt provided aid to China, Britain, and France, but public opinion opposed use of the military. After the Fall of France in June 1940, Roosevelt increased aid to the British and began a very rapid buildup of air power. In the 1940 presidential election, Roosevelt defeated Republican Wendell Willkie, an internationalist who largely refrained from criticizing Roosevelt's foreign policy.

Unlike his first two terms in office, Roosevelt's third and fourth terms were dominated by war issues. Roosevelt won congressional approval of the Lend-Lease program, which was designed to aid allies warring against Germany and Japan. After Germany declared war on the Soviet Union, Roosevelt extended Lend-Lease to the Soviet Union as well. In Asia, Roosevelt provided aid to the Republic of China, which was resisting a largely successful invasion by the Japanese. In response to the July 1941 Japanese occupation of southern French Indochina, Roosevelt expanded a trade embargo on Japan. After attempting to reopen oil exports, Japan launched an attack on the U.S. fleet stationed at Pearl Harbor. The United States became belligerent in December 1941 after Congress responded in kind to declarations of war by Japan, Germany, and Italy. The leading Allied Powers were the U.S., Britain, the Soviet Union, and (by courtesy) China. The Allies agreed on a Europe first strategy, but in practice the American war effort focused on Japan before 1943.

Britain and the U.S. began the campaign against Germany with an invasion of North Africa in late 1942, winning decisively in May 1943. Meanwhile, the United States won a decisive victory over Japan in the Battle of Midway and began a campaign of island hopping in the Pacific Ocean. In 1943, the Allies launched an invasion of Italy and continued to pursue the island-hopping strategy. The major Allied leaders met at the Tehran Conference in 1943, where they began to discuss postwar plans. Taking up the Wilsonian mantle, Roosevelt also pushed as his highest postwar priority the establishment of the United Nations to replace the defunct League of Nations. Roosevelt expected it would be controlled by Washington, Moscow, London, and Beijing, and that this Big Four would resolve all major world problems. By the time of Roosevelt's death in April 1945, Germany and Japan were collapsing rapidly. Both soon surrendered and became the responsibility of the Foreign policy of the Harry S. Truman administration.

First term foreign policy

Four basic principles undergirded Roosevelt's foreign policy approach when he took office. As Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. explains:

One was TR's [Theodore Roosevelt's] belief in the preservation of the balance of world power. A second was Wilson's dream of concerted international action to keep the peace. The third was the conviction that peace and political collaboration rested on commercial harmony among nations and therefore required a freely trading world. The fourth principle was the imperative necessary in a democracy of basing foreign-policy on domestic consent. The first three principles were inevitably qualified and compromised by the fourth.

Having served as the Assistant Secretary of the Navy in World War I, Roosevelt had a deep understanding of naval affairs and knew many of the senior officers. He kept abreast of naval issues and appreciated the doctrines of Alfred Thayer Mahan on the need for naval superiority.

Good Neighbor Policy and trade

Roosevelt's first inaugural address contained just one sentence devoted to foreign policy, indicative of the domestic focus of his first term. The main foreign policy initiative of Roosevelt's first term was what he called the Good Neighbor Policy, which continued the move begun by Calvin Coolidge and Herbert Hoover toward a non-interventionist policy in Latin America. American forces were withdrawn from Haiti, and a new treaty with Panama ended its status as protectorates, while continuing American control of the Panama Canal Zone. Roosevelt wanted to disengage from Cuba, but his first ambassador, Sumner Welles, became enmeshed in the selection of a Cuban president. By late 1933 Roosevelt had appointed Jefferson Caffrey as the new ambassador. In January 1934 Carlos Mendieta, who was approved by Caffrey, formed a government that was quickly recognized by Washington. The United States then did disengage, and did not protest when it was overthrown by Fulgencio Batista in 1934.

In December 1933, Roosevelt signed the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States, renouncing the right to intervene unilaterally in the affairs of Latin American countries. After the withdrawal of U.S. forces from Haiti, the only U.S. military forces remaining in the Caribbean were stationed in the Panama Canal Zone and the Guantanamo Bay Naval Base. In 1934, Congress enacted Cordell Hull's key program, the Reciprocal Tariff Act. It allowed the president to negotiate trade reciprocity treaties with other countries. Over the next six years, the U.S. signed agreements with 21 countries, primarily in Latin America. resulting in a significant reduction of tariff levels. Thanks to the reciprocal tariffs and the new Export–Import Bank, trade between the U.S. and Latin America more than tripled between 1931 and 1941.

Mexico

During the presidency of Mexico's revolutionary general Lázaro Cárdenas del Río, controversy over petroleum arose again. Standard Oil had major investments in Mexico and a dispute between the oil workers and the company was to be resolved via the Mexican court system. But the dispute escalated, and on March 18, 1938, Cárdenas used constitutional powers to expropriate foreign oil interests in Mexico and created the government-owned Petroleos Mexicanos (PEMEX). With unemployment very high during the Great Depression in the United States, Washington implemented a program of expelling Mexicans from the U.S. in what was known as Mexican Repatriation.

Under President Cárdenas, in 1934-40 Mexico expropriated three million acres of agricultural land owned by 300 Americans. Its worth was a matter of debate: between $19 million and $102 million, but nothing was paid. Roosevelt settled the matter in 1938 quietly. He refused to aggressively intervene in Mexican agrarian disputes in order not to disrupt trade. He was sympathetic to Cárdenas's agrarian reform program, as was ambassador Josephus Daniels, but Secretary Hull was antagonistic. American Catholics—a major component of the New Deal coalition—were outraged at anti-Catholicism in Mexico. Ambassador Daniels worked quietly to convince the Mexican government it was essential that they minimize the conflict. Finally, in 1941, Mexico agreed to pay $40 million for American land losses in the 1910s, not including the oil issue.

After Pearl Harbor, relations became much better. Mexico abandoned its neutrality. The two nations set up a Mexico-United States Defense Board that focused on defending the Baja California peninsula against Japanese threats. On June 1, 1942, Mexico declared war on Germany, Italy and Japan. In August, the Bracero program began, and the first 75,000 farmworkers arrived in California at the end of September. A steady flow provided the labor needed to expand California's agricultural output to meet wartime demands. Other problems were resolved, such as a long conflict over the water of the Colorado River, with a February 1944 treaty that met Mexico's water needs.

Recognition of the Soviet Union

By the late 1920s, the Soviet Union was no longer a pariah in European affairs, and had normal diplomatic and trade relations with most countries. By 1933, old American fears of Communist threats had faded, and the business community, as well as newspaper editors, were calling for diplomatic recognition. Roosevelt was eager for large-scale trade with the Soviet Union, and hoped for some repayment on the old tsarist debts. After the Soviets promised they would not engage in espionage, Roosevelt used presidential authority to normalize relations in 1933. There were few complaints about the move. But there was no progress on the debt issue, and the Kremlin set up an active espionage program. Many American businesses had expected a bonus in terms of large-scale trade, but it never materialized. Historians Justus D. Doenecke and Mark A. Stoler note, "Both nations were soon disillusioned by the accord."

Isolationism

Rejection of the World Court

The U.S., played a major role in setting up "the Permanent Court of International Justice", known as the World Court. Presidents Wilson, Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover supported membership but were unable to get a 2/3 majority in the Senate for a treaty. Roosevelt also supported membership, but did not make it a high priority. Opposition was intense on the issue of losing sovereignty, led by the Hearst newspapers and Father Charles Coughlin. The U.S. never joined. The World Court was replaced by the International Court of Justice in 1945, but the Connally Amendment of 1944 reserved the right of the United States to refuse to abide by its decisions. Margaret A. Rague argues this reduced the Court's strength, discredited America's image as a proponent of international law, and exemplified the problems created by vesting a reservation power in the Senate.

Neutrality laws block response to aggression

Roosevelt took office a few weeks after Hitler did in Germany and quickly recognized the aggressive nature of the new Nazi regime. He instructed the US representative to Geneva to say that if there was a threat to peace the US was willing to cooperate with collective efforts made by other states to restore peace. But Congress immediately rejected this initiative by requiring that any embargo on arms shipments to aggressor nations had to apply equally to victims of aggression. The neutrality laws of the mid-1930s forbade the president to discriminate between aggressor and victim, which effectively prevented Roosevelt from acting against aggression. When Congress rejected his proposal to join the World Court, he commented, "Today, quite frankly, the wind everywhere blows against us."

The 1930s marked the high point of American isolationism. The country had a long tradition of non-interventionism, but isolationists in the 1930s sought to keep the U.S. out of world affairs to an unprecedented degree. Isolationist sentiment stemmed from a desire to focus on domestic issues, bitterness over World War I and unpaid war debts, and fears that bankers (many of them Jewish like the Rothschilds) and munitions makers intrigued to involve the United States in European wars in order to make profits. Public opinion showed a strong detachment from, and reluctance to become involved in, the growing crises in Europe. Responding to the country's isolationist mood, Roosevelt in the 1930s never mentioned his previous support for joining the League of Nations. Learning from Wilson's mistakes, Roosevelt avoided provoking isolationist sentiment. He was especially reluctant to clash with progressive Republican senators like George Norris, Robert La Follette, Hiram Johnson, and William Borah, all of whom provided support for his domestic programs, while demanding he follow isolationism. The isolationist movement dramatically publicized its conspiracy theories in 1934–36 through hearings by the Nye Committee of Congress, which investigated the role of business interests in pushing the US into World War I.

Roosevelt, as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, had been in effect in civilian control of the Navy during World War I. He knew many senior officers, and strongly supported naval expansion. The Vinson-Trammell Act of 1934 set up a regular program of shipbuilding and modernization to bring the Navy to the maximum size allowed by treaty. The naval limitation treaties also applied to bases, but Congress approved building seaplane bases only on Wake Island, Midway Island, and Dutch Harbor, rejecting additional funds for bases on Guam and the Philippines. Navy ships were designed with greater endurance and range, allowing them to operate further from bases and between refits.

The United States Navy had a presence in the Far East with a major naval base in the US-owned Philippines and a few small river gunboats in China on the Yangtze River. On December 12, 1937, the gunboat USS Panay was bombed and machine-gunned by Imperial Japanese Army Air Service airplanes. Washington quickly accepted Japan's apologies and compensation.

The Naval Act of 1936 authorized the first new battleship since 1921, and USS North Carolina was laid down in October 1937. The Second Vinson Act authorized a 20% increase in the size of the Navy, and in June 1940 the Two-Ocean Navy Act authorized an 11% expansion in the Navy. Chief of Naval Operations Harold Rainsford Stark asked for another 70% increase, amounting to about 200 additional ships, which was authorized by Congress in less than a month. In September 1940, the Destroyers for Bases Agreement gave Britain much-needed destroyers—of WWI vintage—in exchange for United States use of British bases.

Worsening international situation

The Great Depression of the 1930s saw global economic hardships, a sharp decline in trade and a widespread retreat of democracy. Instead there was a sharp rise in authoritarian governments, economic autarchy, and aggressive threats, especially from Germany and Japan. The American response was a retreat from international political, economic and military involvement.

In 1931, the Empire of Japan invaded Manchuria and established the puppet state of Manchukuo. The Japanese dispatched hundreds of thousands of colonists to Manchukuo, which possessed raw materials and agricultural resources that were in short supply in Japan. The United States and the League of Nations both condemned the invasion, but none of the great powers made any move to evict Japan from the region, and the Japanese appeared poised to further expand their empire. In a direct challenge to the Western powers, Japan proclaimed the Amau doctrine, which stated that Japan alone held responsibility for maintaining order in East Asia. In 1933, Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party came to power in Germany. At first, many in the United States thought of Hitler as something of a comic figure, but Hitler quickly consolidated his power and attacked the postwar order established by the Treaty of Versailles. He preached a racist doctrine of Aryan superiority, and his central foreign policy goal was the acquisition of territory to Germany's east, which he sought to repopulate with Germans.

Foreign affairs became a more prominent issue by 1935. Italy, under a fascist regime led by Benito Mussolini, invaded Ethiopia, earning international condemnation. In response, Congress passed the first of a series of Neutrality Acts. The Neutrality Act of 1935 required Roosevelt to impose an arms embargo on all belligerents in any given foreign war, without any discretion left to the president. Though he privately opposed the Neutrality Act of 1935 and its successors, Roosevelt signed the bills to preserve his political capital for his domestic agenda. In 1936, Germany and Japan signed the Anti-Comintern Pact, though they never coordinated their strategies. That same year, Germany and Italy formed a weak alliance through the Rome-Berlin Axis agreement. Roosevelt saw the threat these rising powers posed, but focused instead on reviving the U.S. economy during the early part of his presidency. Hitler and other world leaders, meanwhile, believed that the U.S. would be reluctant to intervene in world affairs. They saw the U.S. withdrawal from Latin America, the Neutrality Acts, and the 1934 Tydings–McDuffie Act, which promised independence to the Philippines after a ten-year transition period, as indicative of the strength of isolationism in the United States.

In July 1936, civil war broke out in Spain between the left-wing Republican government and right-wing Nationalist rebels led by General Francisco Franco. Britain and France remained neutral and worked to get the major powers to agree to an arms embargo on both sides. In solidarity with them, Roosevelt recommended to Congress a nondiscriminatory arms embargo in January 1937, and won near-unanimous approval. Though privately supportive of the Republicans, Roosevelt feared the Spanish crisis might escalate to a full-scale European war and cooperated with the other democracies to contain the conflict. He also did not want to alienate American Catholics, a key element of his coalition; Catholic leaders were mostly pro-Franco. By spring 1938, as it was clear that Hitler and Mussolini were aiding Franco, Roosevelt was considering a plan to secretly sell American warplanes to the Spanish government, but nothing came of it. As the Nationalists were on the road to victory in early 1939, Roosevelt called the embargo a mistake. Britain and France recognized Franco's regime on February 27, 1939, and Roosevelt followed on April 1, days after Franco achieved full victory with the capture of Madrid.

War clouds

The inability of the League of Nations or anyone else to stop the Italian invasion of Ethiopia emboldened Japan and Germany to pursue their territorial ambitions. After the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, Japan invaded China in July 1937, capturing Chinese capital of Nanjing (or Nanking) before the end of the year. The Nanking Massacre and the USS Panay incident both outraged Americans, many of whom favored China due to American Christian missionaries and cultural works like The Good Earth, but the Neutrality Acts blocked arms sales to China. In a reflection of the continuing strength of isolationism, the Ludlow Amendment, which would have required a national referendum for any declaration of war, was only narrowly defeated in the House. Roosevelt gained world attention with his October 1937 Quarantine Speech, which called for an international "quarantine" against the "epidemic of world lawlessness." He did not at this point seek sanctions against Japan, but he did begin strategic planning to build long-range submarines that could blockade Japan.

In 1936, Germany remilitarized the Rhineland in defiance of the Treaty of Versailles. Without the support of Britain or Italy, France declined to intervene to prevent the remilitarization. In March 1938, Germany peacefully annexed Austria. The same year, Germany demanded the annexation of the Sudetenland, the German-speaking parts of Czechoslovakia. In a last desperate effort to keep the peace, Britain and France agreed to German demands with the September 1938 Munich Agreement. Roosevelt supported Britain and France, and insisted on American neutrality in Europe. In March 1939, Hitler flouted the Munich Agreement by occupying the remaining portions of Czechoslovakia. In response, the British announced their commitment to defending Poland, which many assumed Hitler would attack next.

After the Munich Agreement, Roosevelt began to prepare for imminent war. He called for the revision of the Neutrality Act in his 1939 State of the Union Address, but his proposal was defeated in both houses of Congress. He ordered a massive increase in aircraft production, with a concentration on long-range bombers, especially the Boeing B-17 Flying Fortress.

Relations with France

In the 1930s, diplomatic relations between the United States and France were minimal. The United States did not figure in French plans until 1938. The embassies had little business beyond assisting tourists and businessmen, and there was practically no high-level activity. French foreign policy was very busy with the growth of Nazi Germany after 1933, putting to a severe test the French policy of forming military alliances with Germany's smaller neighbors, such as Czechoslovakia and Poland. In dramatic contrast the United States basked in complete security. President Hoover set up a world economic conference in 1933 to come up with international solutions to the depression, but Roosevelt torpedoed it by rejecting any possible recommendations. As the United States moved into an almost complete isolation from European affairs, Nazi Germany was extremely unpopular across the United States, because of its antisemitism, its will to conquest, its aggression, and its dismantling of liberal democratic features to create a totalitarian state. But there was no thought of going to war in Europe. Charles Lindbergh was the hero of the hour and a strong spokesman for the notion that a powerful Air Force would always protect the United States, but the Atlantic was too wide for the bombers of the day. American land forces were minimal and remained so until 1940. Efforts at innovation in the Army were rejected; for example, the tank corps that had been active in World War I was deactivated. France was outraged by Hitler's repeated rejection of the Versailles Treaty limitations on German armaments. France poured its money into the Maginot Line, a vast defensive system that covered France's border with Germany, but not its border with neutral Belgium. (In 1940 Germany maneuvered around the Maginot line and invaded France through Belgium.) France expanded its alliance system by adding the Soviet Union and edging closer to Fascist Italy and especially the United Kingdom. In 1938 France and Britain sacrificed Czechoslovakia to appease Nazi aggression through the Munich Agreement. Meanwhile, in the Spanish Civil War, Germany was demonstrating the superiority of its Luftwaffe, while giving its pilots combat experience.

France suddenly became aware of its drastic inferiority in airpower—Germany had better warplanes, more of them, pilots with combat experience, and much bigger and more efficient factories. Paris made an enormous effort to catch up by expanding its military budget, giving priority to aviation, standardizing its models, building new factories, and making overseas purchases. France expected to be powerful in the air by 1941, and in combination with Britain, to have more airpower than Germany by then. In late 1937 Paris sent to Washington a personal friend of Roosevelt, Senator Baron Amaury de La Grange. He told Roosevelt about the French weaknesses, and urgently asked for help. Roosevelt was never an isolationist, strongly opposed Nazi Germany, and was eager to help France. He also realized that a large French order would greatly speed up the expansion of the American aircraft industry. Roosevelt forced the War Department to secretly sell France the most modern American airplanes. Paris frantically expanded its own aircraft production, but it was too little and too late. France and Britain declared war on Germany in September 1939, but there was little action on the Western Front until the following spring. Suddenly a German blitzkrieg overwhelmed Denmark and Norway and trapped French and British forces in Belgium. France was forced to accept German terms and Philippe Pétain's pro-fascist dictatorship took over in Vichy France. Only 200 of the 555 American aircraft ordered had arrived in France by June 1940, so Roosevelt arranged for the remaining planes to be sold to the British.

World War II begins in Europe

World War II began in September 1939 with Germany's invasion of Poland, as France and Britain declared war in response. Western leaders were stunned when the Soviet Union invaded Poland and split control of Poland with Germany. The two hostile powers had reached a non-aggression pact in August 1939, which contained a secret protocol for the partition of Poland. Though few Americans wanted to intervene in the war, an October 1939 Gallup poll showed that over 80 percent of the country favored Britain and France over Germany. Per the terms of the Neutrality Act, Roosevelt recognized a state of war in Europe, imposing an arms embargo on France, Britain, and Germany. Days later, he called Congress into a special session to revise the Neutrality Act. Overcoming the opposition of Lindbergh and other isolationists, in 1939 Roosevelt won passage of the Neutrality Act, which allowed belligerents to purchase aircraft and other combat material from the United States, albeit only on a cash and carry basis. Though the United States remained officially neutral until December 1941, Roosevelt continued to seek ways to assist Britain and France.

During the so-called "Phony War," a period of inactivity in Western Europe after the conclusion of the invasion of Poland, Roosevelt tried to negotiate a peace, but Hitler was uninterested. Japan, meanwhile, grew increasingly assertive in the Pacific, demanding that the French and British colonies close their borders with China. Beginning in September 1939, Roosevelt forged a close personal relationship with Winston Churchill, who became the British prime minister in May 1940. Germany invaded Denmark and Norway in April 1940 and invaded the Low Countries and France in May. As France's situation grew increasingly desperate, Churchill and French Prime Minister Paul Reynaud appealed to Roosevelt for American entry into the war, but Roosevelt was still unwilling to challenge the isolationist sentiment in the United States. With France on the verge of surrender, Italy also launched an invasion of France. France surrendered on June 22, resulting in the division of France into a German-controlled zone and a partially occupied area known Vichy France.

With the fall of France, Britain and its dominions became the lone major force at war with Germany. Roosevelt, who was determined to stay out of the war even if Britain was defeated, considered the shift of public opinion; the fall of Paris led to a rise in isolationist sentiment as observed by the contemporaries, though later historiographies attempt to find a decline in this sentiment. In July 1940, 90% of Americans wanted America to stay out of the war. Roosevelt defeated his interventionist opponent in the 1940 presidential election, Wendell Willkie, by an overwhelming margin. Public opinion remained highly isolationist until May 1941, when 80% were against the entry into the war and third of the polled still supported the clear isolationism. Radio coverage of the Battle of Britain, an aerial campaign in which Germany attempted to air superiority and bombed British targets, galvanized American public opinion behind Britain but definitely short of war. Overcoming the opposition of much of the military establishment, who doubted Britain's ability to remain in the war against Germany, Roosevelt pursued policies designed to maximize arms transfers to Britain and, overcoming the opposition of much of the government, rejected the convoy escort across the Atlantic for one more year. In July 1940, Roosevelt appointed two interventionist Republican leaders, Henry L. Stimson and Frank Knox, as Secretaries of War and the Navy, respectively. Both parties supported his plans for a rapid buildup of the military, but Roosevelt himself sided with the isolationists in not getting the nation into a war with Germany. Consequently, both Stimson and Knox the following year were disappointed, puzzled, and "shocked" by FDR's isolationist line, or "failure of leadership," as they called it. The military buildup and the British purchase of armaments had a beneficial effect on the economy, and the unemployment rate fell to 14.6% in late 1940.

On September 2, 1940, Roosevelt defied the spirit of the Neutrality Acts in reaching the Destroyers for Bases Agreement. In exchange for the use of British military bases in the Caribbean Islands, the U.S. transferred 50 old World War I American destroyers, which were to be used to defend against German submarines. The destroyers had relatively little military importance, but the deal represented a symbolic American commitment to Britain. Later in September, with the backing of both major-party presidential candidates, Congress authorized the nation's first peacetime draft. Hitler and Mussolini responded to the Destroyers for Bases Agreement by joining with Japan in the Tripartite Pact, and the three countries became known as the Axis powers. The Tripartite Act was specifically designed to intimidate the United States into remaining neutral in the Sino-Japanese War and the war in Europe.

As Roosevelt took a firmer stance against the Axis Powers, American isolationists like Lindbergh and America First vehemently attacked him as an irresponsible warmonger. In turn they were denounced as antisemitic dupes of the Nazis. Reviewer Richard S. Faulkner paraphrases Lynne Olson in arguing that "Lindbergh was far from the simple anti-Semite and pro-Nazi dupe that the Roosevelt administration and pro-intervention press often portrayed him to be, but was rather a man whose technical and clinical mind had him convinced that Britain could not win the war and America's lack of military preparedness meant that intervention was immoral, illogical, and suicidal."

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