Sirimavo Bandaranaike

Raising a family, social work (1940–1959)

On 2 October 1940, Ratwatte and Bandaranaike married at the Mahawelatenne Walawwa in what was dubbed "the wedding of the century" by the press for its grandeur. The newly married couple moved into Wendtworth in Colombo's Guildford Crescent, which they rented from Lionel Wendt. Their daughters, Sunethra (1943) and Chandrika (1945), were born at Wendtworth where the family lived until 1946, when S.W.R.D.'s father bought them a mansion known as Tintagel at Rosmead Place in Colombo.

From this point onward, the family lived part of the year at Tintagel and part of the year at S.W.R.D.'s ancestral manor, Horagolla Walawwa. A son, Anura was born at Tintagel in 1949. Over the next 20 years, Sirima Bandaranaike devoted most of her time to raising her family and playing hostess to her husband's many political acquaintances.

All three of Bandaranaike's children were educated abroad. Sunetra studied at Oxford, Chandrika at the University of Paris, and Anura at the University of London. All would later return and serve in the Sri Lankan government.

In 1941 Bandaranaike joined the Lanka Mahila Samiti (Lankan Women's Association), the country's largest women's voluntary organisation. She participated in many of the social projects initiated by the Mahila Samiti for the empowerment of rural women and disaster relief. One of her first projects was an agricultural programme to meet food production shortages. Her first office, as secretary of the organisation, involved meeting with farming experts to develop new methods for producing yields of rice crops. Over time, Bandaranaike served as the treasurer, vice-president, and eventually president of Mahila Samiti, focusing on issues of girls' education, women's political rights, and family planning. She was also a member of the All Ceylon Buddhist Women's Association, the Cancer Society, the Ceylon National Association for the Prevention of Tuberculosis, and the Nurses Welfare Association.

Bandaranaike often accompanied S.W.R.D. on official trips, both locally and abroad. She and her husband were both present after the psychiatric hospital in Angoda was bombed by the Japanese during the Easter Sunday Raid in 1942, killing many. As Ceylon moved toward self-governing status in 1947, S.W.R.D. became more active in the nationalist movement. He ran for – and was elected to – the House of Representatives from the Attanagalla Electoral District. He was appointed Minister of Health and served as Leader of the House, but became increasingly frustrated with the inner workings and policies of the United National Party. Though he did not encourage Bandaranaike to engage on political topics and was dismissive of her in front of colleagues, S.W.R.D. came to respect her judgment.

In 1951, she persuaded him to resign from the United National Party and establish the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (Freedom Party, aka SLFP). Bandaranaike campaigned in S.W.R.D.'s Attanagalla constituency during the 1952 parliamentary election, while he travelled around the country to garner support. Though the Freedom Party won only nine seats during that election, S.W.R.D. was elected to Parliament and became Leader of the Opposition.

When fresh elections were called in 1956 by Prime Minister Sir John Kotelawala, S.W.R.D. sensed an opportunity and formed the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP), a broad four-party coalition, to contest the 1956 elections. Bandaranaike once again campaigned for her husband in Attanagalla, in her home town of Balangoda, and in Ratnapura for the Freedom Party. The Mahajana Eksath Peramuna won a landslide victory and S.W.R.D. became the prime minister.

While on a state visit to Malaysia on its Independence in 1957, the couple had to cut short their stay when they received news that Bandaranaike's father was gravely ill following a heart attack. He died two weeks after their hasty return.

Bandaranaike was at home in Rosmead Place on the morning of 25 September 1959, when her husband was shot multiple times by a Buddhist monk, disgruntled over what he believed to be lack of support for traditional medicine. Bandaranaike accompanied her husband to hospital, where he succumbed to his wounds the following day.

In the political chaos that followed under the caretaker government of Wijeyananda Dahanayake, many cabinet ministers were removed, and some were arrested and tried for the assassination. The Mahajana Eksath Peramuna coalition collapsed without S.W.R.D.'s influence, and elections were called for March 1960 to fill the seat for the Attanagalla constituency. Bandaranaike reluctantly agreed to run as an independent candidate, but before the election could be held, Parliament was dissolved, and she decided not to contest the seat. When the election was held in March 1960, the United National Party won a four-seat majority over the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. Dudley Senanayake, the new prime minister, was defeated within a month in a vote of confidence and a second general election was called for July 1960.

Early political career

In May 1960, Bandaranaike was unanimously elected party president by the executive committee of the Freedom Party, although at the time she was still undecided about running in the July election. Disavowing former party ties with Communists and Trotskyists, by early June she was campaigning with promises to carry forward the policies of her husband – in particular, establishing a republic, enacting a law to establish Sinhala as the official language of the country, and recognising the predominance of Buddhism, though tolerating the estate Tamils' use of their own language and Hindu faith.

Though there had been Tamil populations in the country for centuries, the majority of the estate Tamils had been brought to Ceylon from India by the British authorities as plantation workers. Many Ceylonese viewed them as temporary immigrants, even though they had lived for generations in Ceylon. With Ceylon's independence, the Citizenship Act of 1948 excluded these Indian Tamils from citizenship, making them stateless. S.W.R.D.'s policy toward the stateless Tamils had been moderate, granting some citizenship and allowing productive workers to remain. His successor, Dudley Senanayake, was the first to recommend compulsory repatriation for the population. Bandaranaike toured the country and made emotional speeches, frequently bursting into tears as she pledged herself to continue her late husband's policies. Her actions earned her the title "The Weeping Widow" from her opponents.

Legislative career (1960–2000)

First Premiership (1960–1965)

On 21 July 1960, following a landslide victory for the Freedom Party, Bandaranaike was sworn in as the first female prime minister in the world, as well as Minister of Defence and External Affairs. As she was not an elected member of parliament at the time, but leader of the party holding the majority in parliament, the constitution required her to become a member of Parliament within three months if she was to continue holding office as prime minister. To make a place for her, Manameldura Piyadasa de Zoysa resigned his seat in the Senate. On 5 August 1960, Governor General Goonetilleke appointed Bandaranaike to the Senate of Ceylon, the upper house of Parliament.

Initially, she struggled to navigate the issues facing the country, relying on her cabinet member and nephew, Felix Dias Bandaranaike. Opponents made dismissive comments about her "kitchen cabinet": she would continue to face similar sexism while in office.

To further her husband's policy of nationalising key sectors of the economy, Bandaranaike established a corporation with public-private shareholders, taking control of seven newspapers. She nationalised banking, foreign trade, and insurance, as well as the petroleum industry. In taking over the Bank of Ceylon and establishing branches of the newly created People's Bank, Bandaranaike aimed to provide services to communities with no previous banking facilities, spurring local business development.

In December 1960, Bandaranaike nationalised all the parochial schools that were receiving state funding. In doing so she curtailed the influence of the Catholic minority, who tended to be members of the economic and political elite, and extended the influence of Buddhist groups.

In January 1961, Bandaranaike implemented a law making Sinhala the official language, replacing English. This action caused wide discontent among the more than two million Tamil-speakers. Urged on by members of the Tamil-centered Federal Party, a campaign of civil disobedience known as a satyagraha (due to its adherence to the theory coined by Mohandas Gandhi) began on February 20 in the two provinces with Tamil majorities: the Northern and Eastern Provinces. The movement expanded quickly within these provinces, growing to involve the other Tamil political parties. Demonstrators sent letters to public servants and sat in front of government building entrances asking arrivers to abstain from working, which most did. The spectacle attracted crowds that were largely sympathetic and often young, but not trained satyagrahis. Over time, the campaign began to involve plans to build independent public services like a postal system and police force, and to distribute public lands. Bandaranaike's response was to send in troops and police that harassed and assaulted satyagrahis as well as other interested members of the public and bystanders, while having many Federal Party leaders detained and banning the Federal Party for several months. The government declared a state of emergency on April 18 that would last two years.

Beginning in 1961, trade unions began a series of strikes in protest of high inflation and taxes. One such strike immobilised the transport system, motivating Bandaranaike to nationalise the transport board.

Also in 1961, Bandaranaike's government initiated the process that led to the Mahaweli Development programme by seeking assistance from the United Nations (UN) Special Fund to survey the Mahaweli Ganga Basin and Sri Lanka's Dry Zone.

In January 1962, conflicts erupted between the established elites: the predominantly right-wing Westernized urban Christians – including large contingents of Burghers and Tamils – and the emerging native elite, who were predominantly leftist Sinhala-speaking Buddhists. The changes caused by Bandaranaike's policies created an immediate shift away from the Anglophilic class system, power structures, and governance, significantly influencing the composition of the officer corps of the civil service, armed forces, and the police.

Ceylonese coup d’état attempt (1962)

Some military officers plotted a coup d'état, which included plans to detain Bandaranaike and her cabinet members at the Army Headquarters. When the police official Stanley Senanayake was taken into the confidence of the coup leadership, his father-in-law Patrick de Silva Kularatne informed the IGP. Immediately calling all service commanders and junior officers to an emergency meeting at Temple Trees, Felix Dias Bandaranaike and members of Criminal Investigation Department (CID) began questioning the military personnel and uncovered the plot.

Because the coup was aborted before it began, the trial process for the 24 accused conspirators was lengthy and complex. The retroactive Criminal Law Special Provision Act of 1962, which allowed consideration of hearsay evidence, was passed to aid in the conviction of the plotters. Though rumours circulated against Sir Oliver Goonatillake, the governor general, there was no real evidence against him and therefore no means of prosecuting him. He was neither "removed from office nor did he resign". He agreed to answer questions about his suspected involvement once he was replaced. In February Bandaranaike's uncle, William Gopallawa was appointed governor general. Goonatillake was escorted to the airport, left Ceylon, and went into voluntary exile.

In an attempt to balance east–west interests and maintain neutrality, Bandaranaike strengthened the country's relationship with China, while eliminating ties with Israel. She worked to maintain good relationships with both India and Russia, while keeping ties to British interests through the export of tea and supporting links with the World Bank. Condemning South Africa's apartheid policy, Bandaranaike appointed ambassadors to and sought relationships with other African nations. In 1961, she attended both the Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference in London and the 1st Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement in Belgrade, SFR Yugoslavia making Sri Lanka one of the founding members of the Non-Aligned Movement.

She was a key player in efforts to reduce tensions between India and China following the outbreak of the Sino-Indian War in 1962. She convened a series of conferences in Colombo and subsequently travelled to India and China with Ghanaian justice minister Kofi Asante Ofori-Atta to promote a negotiated settlement. In January 1963, Indian prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru agreed to place before the Indian Parliament a proposal reflecting the settlement advocated by Bandaranaike and the other mediators.

At home, difficulties were mounting. Despite her success abroad, Bandaranaike was criticised for her ties with China and lack of economic development policies. Tensions were still high over the government's apparent favouritism of Sinhala-speaking Ceylonese Buddhists. The import-export imbalance, compounded by inflation, was impacting the buying power of middle- and lower-class citizens. In the mid-year by-election, although Bandaranaike held a majority, the United National Party made gains, indicating that her support was slipping.

Lack of support for austerity measures, specifically the inability to import adequate rice – the main dietary staple – caused the resignation of Minister Felix Dias Bandaranaike. Other cabinet ministers were reassigned in an attempt to stem the drift toward Soviet trade partnerships, which had gained ground after the creation of the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation. The Petroleum Corporation had been launched in 1961 to bypass the monopolistic pricing imposed on Middle Eastern oil imports, allowing Ceylon to import oil from the United Arab Republic and the Soviet Union. Some of the storage facilities of western oil operatives were co-opted with a compensation agreement, but continuing disputes over non-payment resulted in suspension of foreign aid from the United States in February 1963. In reaction to the suspension of aid, the Parliament passed the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation Amendment Act nationalising all distribution, import-export, sales and supply of most oil products in the country, with the changes taking effect in January 1964.

In November 1963, Bandaranaike learned of the assassination of U.S. president John F. Kennedy, with whom she had maintained regular correspondence since both assumed office within months of one another. In a letter of condolence to First Lady Jacqueline Kennedy, Bandaranaike expressed sympathy as both a wife and mother who had herself lost her husband through assassination.

In 1964, Bandaranaike's government abolished the independent Ceylon Civil Service and replaced it with the Ceylon Administrative Service, which was subject to government influence. When the United Left Front coalition between the Communist, Revolutionary Socialist and Trotskyist Parties was formed in late 1963, Bandaranaike moved left to try to gain their support. In February 1964, Chinese premier Zhou Enlai visited Bandaranaike in Ceylon with offers of aid, gifts of rice and textiles, and discussions to extend trade. The two also discussed the Sino-Indian border dispute and nuclear disarmament. The ties with China were attractive, as Bandaranaike's recent formal recognition of East Germany had eliminated incoming aid from West Germany and her nationalisation of the insurance industry had impacted her relationships with Australia, Britain and Canada.

In preparation for the second Non-Aligned Conference, Bandaranaike hosted presidents Tito and Nasser in Colombo in March 1964, but continued domestic unrest caused her to suspend parliamentary sessions until July. In the interim, she entered into a coalition with the United Left Front and was able to shore up her majority, though only by a margin of three seats.

On 27 March 1964, the death of Indian prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru following a heart attack was widely mourned in India and among leaders of the Non-Aligned Movement. Bandaranaike had developed a close working relationship with Nehru through bilateral relations, the Non-Aligned Movement and the Commonwealth, while her association with the Nehru family had begun during the premiership of her husband, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike. She attended Nehru's funeral in New Delhi alongside other international leaders, including British prime minister Alec Douglas-Home, United States Secretary of State Dean Rusk and Soviet First Deputy Chairman Alexei Kosygin.

In September 1964, Bandaranaike travelled to India to negotiate the status of stateless Tamils residing in Ceylon. Together with Indian prime minister Lal Bahadur Shastri, she concluded the Sirima–Shastri Pact, which provided for the granting of Ceylonese citizenship to some stateless Tamils and the repatriation of others to India. In October, Bandaranaike attended and co-sponsored the Non-Aligned Conference held in Cairo.

In December 1964, her United Front government put forward the "Press Take Over Bill" in an attempt to nationalise the country's newspapers. The opposition and Bandaranaike's critiques claimed that the move was to muzzle a free press and strike at her major critic, the Lake House Group led by the press baron Esmond Wickremesinghe. Wickremesinghe responded with a campaign to remove her from office to safeguard the freedom of the press. On 3 December 1964, C. P. de Silva, who was at one time S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike's deputy, led thirteen SLFP parliamentarians and crossed over to the opposition citing the Press Take Over Bill. The government of Sirimavo Bandaranaike lost the throne speech by one vote and a general election was called for in March 1965. Her political coalition was defeated in the 1965 elections, ending her first term as prime minister.

Leader of the Opposition (1965–1970)

In the 1965 elections, Bandaranaike won a seat in the House of Representatives from the Attanagalla Electoral District. With her party gaining 41 seats, she became the Leader of the Opposition, the first woman ever to hold the post. Dudley Senanayake was sworn in as prime minister on 25 March 1965.

Soon after, Bandaranaike's position as a member of parliament was challenged, when allegations were made that she had accepted a bribe, in the form of a car, while in office. A committee was appointed to investigate and she was later cleared of the charge.

During her five-year term in the opposition, she maintained her alliance with leftist parties. Of the seven by-elections held between November 1966 and April 1967, six were won by the opposition under Bandaranaike's leadership. Continued inflation, trade imbalance, unemployment, and the failure of expected foreign aid to materialise led to widespread discontent. This was further fuelled by austerity measures, which reduced the weekly rice stipend. By 1969, Bandaranaike was actively campaigning to return to power. Among other pledges, she promised to give two measures of rice per household, nationalise foreign banks and the import-export industry, establish watchgroups for monitoring business and government corruption, return to a foreign policy which leaned away from "imperialist" partners, and hold a Constituent Assembly charged with drafting a new Constitution.

Second Premiership (1970–1977)

Bandaranaike regained power after the United Front coalition between the Communist Party, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party and her own Freedom Party won the 1970 elections with a large majority in May 1970. Upon returning to office as prime minister for a second term, Bandaranaike was sworn in before Governor-general William Gopallawa at Queen's House. In addition to the premiership, she assumed responsibility for the portfolios of Defence, External Affairs, Planning and Employment.

By July, she had convened a Constitutional Assembly to replace the British-drafted constitution with one drafted by the Ceylonese. She introduced policies requiring that permanent secretaries in the government ministries have expertise in their division. For example, those serving in the Ministry of Housing had to be trained engineers, and those serving in the Ministry of Health, medical practitioners. All government employees were allowed to join Workers Councils and at the local level and she established People's Committees to allow input from the population at large on government administration. The changes were intended to remove elements of British colonial and foreign influence from the country's institutions.

Facing budget deficits of $195 million – caused by rising energy and food-importation costs and declining revenue from coconut, rubber and tea exports – Bandaranaike attempted to centralise the economy and implement price controls. Pressed by the leftist members of her coalition to nationalise the foreign banks of British, Indian and Pakistani origin, she realised that doing so would impact the need for credit. As she had in her previous regime, she tried to balance the flow of foreign assistance from both capitalist and communist partners.

In September 1970, Bandaranaike attended the third Non-Aligned Conference in Lusaka, Zambia. That month, she also travelled to Paris and London to discuss international trade. Ordering representatives of The Asia Foundation and the Peace Corps to leave the country, Bandaranaike began re-evaluating trade agreements and proposals that had been negotiated by her predecessor. She announced that her government would not recognise Israel until the country peacefully settled its problem with its Arab neighbours. She officially granted recognition to East Germany, North Korea, North Vietnam, and the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam. Following the death of Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser in September 1970, Bandaranaike attended his funeral and declared two days of national mourning in Ceylon. She regarded Nasser with particular gratitude for his assistance during an earlier oil shortage, when he had promptly dispatched vessels to the island. Bandaranaike received Pope Paul VI who undertook a short visit to Sri Lanka in December 1970. The visit which was confined to the Ratmalana Airport was highly significant as it was the first visit by a pope to Ceylon. Bandaranaike opposed the development of an Anglo-US communications centre in the Indian Ocean, maintaining that the area should be a "neutral, nuclear-free zone". In December, the Business Undertaking Acquisition Act was passed, allowing the state to nationalise any business with more than 100 employees. Ostensibly, the move aimed to reduce foreign control of key tea and rubber production, but it stunted both domestic and foreign investment in industry and development.

Bandaranaike also expanded Sri Lanka's engagement with the Middle East during her premierships, strengthening relations with Arab states and pursuing a broadly pro-Arab foreign policy. Her governments developed closer ties with the United Arab Republic and Iraq, while also supporting the Palestinian cause and the Palestine Liberation Organisation. This policy contributed to the deterioration of Sri Lanka's relations with Israel and the eventual severing of diplomatic ties between the two countries.

JVP insurrection (1971)

Despite Bandaranaike's efforts to address the country's economic problems, unemployment and inflation remained unchecked. After just 16 months in power, Bandaranaike's government was almost toppled by the 1971 Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna Insurrection of left-wing youths. Though aware of the militant stance of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (People's Liberation Front), Bandaranaike's administration initially failed to recognise them as an imminent threat, dismissing them as idealists.

On 6 March, militants attacked the U.S. Embassy in Colombo, leading to the declaration of a state of emergency on 17 March. In early April, attacks on police stations evidenced a well-planned insurgency which Ceylon's small army was ill-equipped to handle. Calling on its allies for assistance, the government was saved largely because of Bandaranaike's neutral foreign policy. The Soviet Union sent aircraft to support the Ceylonese government; arms and equipment came from Britain, the United Arab Republic, the United States and Yugoslavia; medical supplies were provided by East and West Germany, Norway and Poland; patrol boats were sent from India; and both India and Pakistan sent troops. On 1 May, Bandaranaike suspended government offensives and offered an amnesty, which resulted in thousands of surrenders. The following month a second amnesty was offered. Bandaranaike established a National Committee of Reconstruction to re-establish civil authority and provide a strategic plan for dealing with those captured or surrendered insurgents. One of the Bandaranaike's first actions after the conflict was to expel North Korean diplomats, as she suspected they had fomented the radical discontent. The saying "She was the only man in her cabinet" – attributed to her political opponents in the 1960s – resurfaced during the height of the insurgency, as Bandaranaike proved that she had become a "formidable political force".

Republic of Sri Lanka (1972–1977)

In May 1972, Ceylon was replaced by the Republic of Sri Lanka after a new Constitution was ratified. Though the country remained within the Commonwealth of Nations, Queen Elizabeth II was no longer recognised as its sovereign. Under its terms, the Senate, suspended since 1971, was officially abolished and the new unicameral National State Assembly was created, combining the powers of the executive, judicial and legislative branches in one authority.

The constitution recognised the supremacy of Buddhism, though it guaranteed equal protection to Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, and Islam. It failed to provide a charter of inalienable rights, recognised Sinhala as the only official language, and contained no "elements of federalism".

The new constitution also extended Bandaranaike's term by two years, resetting the mandated five-year term of the prime minister to the coincide with the creation of the republic. These limits caused concern for various sectors of the population, specifically those who were uneasy about authoritarian rule, and the Tamil-speaking population. Before the month was out, the discontent escalated before leading to the passage of the Justices Commission Bill, establishing separate tribunals to deal with the imprisoned insurgents from the previous year. Those in opposition to the tribunals argued that they were a violation of the principles of human rights. By July, sporadic incidents of violence were resurfacing, and by the end of the year, a second wave of revolt was anticipated. Widespread unemployment fuelled the public's growing disillusionment with the government, in spite of land redistribution programmes enacted to establish farming cooperatives and limit the size of privately held lands.

In 1972, Bandaranaike’s government enacted the Land Reform Act, which imposed a ceiling of 20 hectares on privately owned land. The reforms were expanded in 1975 through the nationalisation of plantations owned by public companies.

The 1973 oil crisis had a traumatic effect on the Sri Lankan economy. Still dependent on foreign assistance, goods and monetary aid from Australia, Canada, China, Denmark, Hungary, and the World Bank, Bandaranaike eased the austerity programmes that limited importation of consumer goods. The United States terminated aid grants, which required no repayment, and changed to a policy of providing foreign loans. Devaluation of the Sri Lankan currency, coupled with inflation and high taxes, slowed economic growth, consequently creating cyclical pressure to address deficits with even higher taxes and austerity measures. Uncontrolled inflation between 1973 and 1974 led to economic uncertainty and public dissatisfaction.

In 1974, Bandaranaike forced the shut-down of the last independent newspaper group, The Sun, believing their criticism was fuelling unrest. Fissures appeared in the United Front coalition, largely resulting from the Lanka Sama Samaja Party's continued influence on trade unions and threats of strike actions throughout 1974 and 1975. When newly confiscated estates were placed under the Ministry of Agriculture and Lands, controlled by the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, fears that they would unionise plantation workers led Bandaranaike to oust them from the government coalition.

In March 1974, while delivering the keynote address at a meeting of the United Nations Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East in Colombo, Bandaranaike proposed the establishment of a World Fertiliser Fund. The proposal received international support, and the United Nations Economic and Social Commission subsequently adopted a resolution sponsored by Sri Lanka and New Zealand calling for its creation.

In June 1974, Bandaranaike and Indian prime minister Indira Gandhi concluded the India–Sri Lankan Maritime Agreement, which recognised Katchatheevu as part of Sri Lankan territory and sought to resolve the maritime boundary between the two countries in the Palk Strait.

On 6 October 1974, Bandaranaike formally declared the University of Jaffna open at the premises of Parameshwara College, which had been founded by Ponnambalam Ramanathan in 1921. The establishment of the university provided the Northern Province with a new institution of higher education.

In December 1974, Bandaranaike inaugurated the Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies, an institution established to promote the study of international relations, international law and diplomacy.

In recognition of International Women's Year in 1975, Bandaranaike created an agency to focus on women's issues, which would later become the Ministry of Women and Child Affairs. She appointed the first woman to serve in the Sri Lankan Cabinet, Siva Obeyesekere, first as First State Secretary for Health and later as Minister of Health. She was feted at the UN World Conference on Women hosted in Mexico City, attending as the only woman prime minister elected in her own right.

In September 1975, the United Front coalition that had formed the government in 1970 began to dissolve after the Lanka Sama Samaja Party withdrew from the ruling coalition. Despite the split, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), led by Bandaranaike, retained a majority in the National State Assembly.

By 1976, the first phase of the Mahaweli Development programme, which had been initiated under Bandaranaike's government during her first premiership and whose implementation commenced in 1970, had been completed. The first phase included diversion headworks at Polgolla and Bowatenna, a 40 MW hydroelectric power station at Ukuwela, and improvements to water supplies serving approximately 52,700 hectares of existing irrigated land.

Beyond irrigation and hydroelectric development, the Mahaweli Development Programme also involved the settlement of farming families and the establishment of new townships, village centres and hamlets, requiring the provision of services such as education, healthcare and agricultural support. Based on the water resources of the Mahaweli Ganga and six associated river basins, the programme was conceived as an integrated multipurpose rural-development project. Its objectives included increasing agricultural production and hydroelectric power generation, creating employment opportunities, settling landless families and providing flood control. The programme was originally planned to be implemented over a period of 35 years.

Bandaranaike also stepped into the one-year term of chair at the 5th Conference of the Non-Aligned Nations in 1976, hosting the meeting in Colombo. The event was held at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall (BMICH). The convention centre was a gift from the People's Republic of China in memory of her husband, Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike.

Despite her high regard internationally, she continued to struggle domestically under allegations of corruption and nepotism, while the economy continued to decline. In their struggle for recognition, discontented Tamils turned to separatism. In May 1976, the Vaddukoddai Resolution was adopted by the Tamil United Liberation Front, calling for independent statehood and sovereign autonomy.

On 17 July 1976, a bronze statue of Bandaranaike's late husband S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike was unveiled in Galle Face Green, Colombo. The monument was sculpted by Lev Kerbel and was gifted from the Soviet Union.

During a visit to Oslo, in October 1976, Bandaranaike met with Norwegian prime minister Odvar Nordli. Nordli acknowledged Sri Lanka's role in international affairs, including its participation in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which was chaired by Sri Lankan diplomat Shirley Amerasinghe. He also commented on domestic policies pursued by Bandaranaike's government, including land reform, the expansion of education, increased state control over key sectors of the economy and public-health programmes.

Following the dissolution of the First National State Assembly in May 1977, Bandaranaike began preparations for the 1977 general election to elect the eighth Parliament of Sri Lanka. In the general election, the United Front was soundly defeated, winning only six seats.

Party Leader (1977–1988)

Bandaranaike retained her parliamentary seat in Attanagalla in the 1977 general elections. In November 1977, a petition challenging her position as a member of parliament was dismissed by the Colombo High Court. In 1978, a new constitution was ratified, replacing the British-style parliamentary system with a French-style presidential system. Under the constitution, the executive or president, was elected by a vote of the people to serve a six-year term. The president then chose a prime minister to preside over the Cabinet, who was confirmed by the legislature. Providing a declaration of fundamental rights, guaranteeing the equality of citizens for the first time, it also recognised Tamil as a national language, though the administrative language remained Sinhala. Though aimed at appeasing Tamil separatists, the provisions did not stop the violence between Tamils and Sinhalese, resulting in the passage of the 1979 Prevention of Terrorism Act.

Bandaranaike maintained a close relationship with Yugoslav President, Josip Broz Tito, a prominent leader of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and a political counterpart of Bandaranaike. The two leaders participated together in numerous international forums and worked in support of advancing the objectives of the movement. Following Tito's death in May 1980, she travelled to Belgrade to attend his state funeral and pay her respects. During periods of illness, Tito had offered her access to medical facilities in Yugoslavia.

Loss of Civic Rights (1980–1986)

In 1980, a Special Presidential Commission was appointed by President J. R. Jayawardene to investigate allegations against Bandaranaike for abuses of power during her tenure as prime minister. Following the submission of the report to Jayawardene, the United National Party government adopted a motion in parliament on 16 October 1980 to strip Bandaranaike and her nephew, Felix Dias Bandaranaike – who was convicted of corruption – of their civil liberties for a period of seven years. She was expelled from parliament, but maintained her role as party leader. The motion passed by 139 votes in favour and 18 against, easily meeting the required two-thirds threshold.

Despite being its head, Bandaranaike was unable to campaign for the Freedom Party. As a result, her son, Anura Bandaranaike served as the parliamentary party leader. Under Anura the Freedom Party moved to the right, and Bandaranaike's daughter, Chandrika, withdrew, forming the Sri Lanka People's Party with her husband, Vijaya Kumaratunga. The goals of the new party were related to rapprochement with the Tamils.

From 1980, conflict between the government and separatists of various competing groups, including the Tamil Tigers, the People's Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam, the Tamil Eelam Liberation Army, and the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization, became more frequent and increasingly violent. During local election campaigning in 1981, Tamil extremists assassinated Arumugam Thiagarajah, a prominent United National Party politician.

On 11 June 1982, Bandaranaike wrote to British prime minister Margaret Thatcher concerning the seven-year civic disability imposed on her following the findings of a Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry. In the letter, she argued that changes to Sri Lankan law and the Constitution had been applied retrospectively in proceedings against her and criticised legislation that had removed the jurisdiction of the Court of Appeal over the commission. She maintained that the proceedings were incompatible with the principles of parliamentary democracy and argued that, as prime minister, she and her Cabinet had been accountable to Parliament and ultimately to the electorate.

Bandaranaike appealed to the British government to consider referring her case to the United Nations Human Rights Committee under Article 41 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. She explained that Sri Lanka had accepted the committee's interstate complaint procedure but was not a party to the Optional Protocol allowing individual communications, and therefore sought the intervention of another state party that had recognised the committee's competence.

Presidential elections were held in Sri Lanka for the first time on 20 October 1982. Incumbent president J. R. Jayewardene of the governing United National Party (UNP) was re-elected, receiving 53% of all valid votes cast, defeating his main opponent Hector Kobbekaduwa of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). The Tamil United Liberation Front Party had called for a boycott of the presidential elections. Insurgents supported the ban, as they contended that co-operation with the government legitimised its policies and conflicted with the desire for attaining an independent Tamil state.

A referendum on extending the term of Sri Lanka's Parliament was held on 22 December 1982, becoming the first—and, to date, only—national referendum held in the country. President J. R. Jayewardene proposed extending the life of the existing Parliament, which was due to expire in August 1983, by a further six years. Jayewardene argued that the extension was necessary to enable his government to complete its programmes, while opposition parties condemned the proposal and campaigned against it. Voters were then asked to vote either “yes” or “no”, represented on the ballot by a lamp and a pot, respectively. Under, the Referendum Act No 7 of 1981, certified by Jayawardene on 27 February 1981, in order of the referendum to pass it had to meet one of two conditions. The proposal was approved by more than 54 percent of voters, allowing the Parliament elected in 1977 to remain in office until 1989.

Although she had been stripped of her civic rights, Bandaranaike was permitted to lead the opposition campaign against the referendum. She addressed several meetings each day and drew large crowds, while a broad coalition of opposition parties, including Tamil and communist parties, joined the campaign despite their differing political positions.

In 1983 insurgent Tamils ambushed an army patrol, killing thirteen soldiers. Retaliatory violence by Sinhalese mobs sparked riots against non-insurgent Tamils and their property throughout the country, later referred to as Black July.

Jayewardene's move towards free markets and a focus on economic growth hurt Tamil farmers in the north by removing trade protections. Similarly, the policies negatively impacted not only southern Sinhalese businesses facing competition from Indian markets, but also the urban poor, whose food subsidies were greatly reduced. Massive government spending for economic development created budget deficits and inflation, alarming the World Bank and International Monetary Fund administrators. In turn, donor agencies reduced aid to persuade the government to control spending. Acceleration of the Mahaweli Development programme which began under Bandaranaike's first term, increased employment and stabilised the food supply, also reducing dependence on foreign energy supplies with the completion of four hydropower-generating facilities.

The focus on building the economy and infrastructure failed to address social issues. For example, the rural housing initiative – which built some 100,000 new homes by 1984 – polarised communities because housing was distributed by political alliance rather than need. Privatization of industry, after 1982, created significant gaps between the rich and poor and inflation returned, making goods hard to procure and lowering the standard of living.

On the 31st of October, 1984, Indian prime minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her own bodyguards. Bandaranaike was her Sri Lankan counterpart. The two women forged a loyal friendship that remained steadfast for nearly thirty years, since they first met in London, 1956. Reports state that Bandaranaike was "deeply saddened" at Gandhi's death. Among other world leaders, she attended the funeral in New Delhi with her older daughter Sunethra Bandaranaike, and her son Anura Bandaranaike, who was Leader of the Opposition. Although her civic rights were stripped, her attendance at the funeral was one of the most significant public appearances during her period of political disqualification.

In January 1986, Bandaranaike's civil rights were restored by a presidential decree issued by Jayewardene. Jayewardene showed little sympathy for the issues of concern to the Tamils and instead blamed the unrest on left-wing factions plotting a government overthrow. Bandaranaike and the Freedom Party opposed the introduction of Indian troops, believing the government had betrayed its own people by allowing India to intervene on behalf of the Tamils. As a reaction to state-sanctioned violence and their desire for nationalist focus, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna militants re-emerged in the south.

Presidential Election (1988)

Against this backdrop, Bandaranaike decided to run in the 1988 presidential election. It was held on the 19th of December, 1988. Bandaranaike, the SLFP candidate, promised to abrogate the controversial Indo-Lanka Accord and remove the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) from the country. She was narrowly defeated by Ranasinghe Premadasa, who succeeded Jayewardene as president. On the 22nd of December, 1988, Bandaranaike contested the outcome of the presidential election and that she would challenge the result, in the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka. She held a news conference at her home, and blamed electoral misconduct, ballot stuffing, intimidation and fraud caused by the UNP government and the military, for her defeat. Bandaranaike stated "The election results are something that I cannot accept".

Reports from areas that were considered strongholds for Bandaranaike, indicated that some voters alleged polling stations had been closed by security forces, rather than the militants. Observers also questioned Premadasa's large vote totals, in constituencies where he was believed to have limited support or where voter turnout was reportedly low. During the press conference, she alleged that the electoral processes were manipulated. She claimed that ballot boxes were diverted to police stations instead of authorised counting centres, where fraudulent ballots were inserted. She displayed a number of blank ballot papers that she said had been obtained from a police station.

Leader of the Opposition (1989–1994)

On 6 February 1989, while campaigning for the Freedom Party in the 1989 general election, Bandaranaike survived a bombing attack. Though she was unscathed, one of her aides suffered leg injuries. In the final results on the 19th, the Freedom Party was defeated by the United National Party under Ranasinghe Premadasa, but gained 67 seats, sufficient for Bandaranaike to take up the post of Leader of the Opposition for a second term. She was successfully re-elected to parliament in the Gampaha Electoral District. The same year, the government crushed the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna rebels, killing some 30,000 to 70,000 of them, rather than opting for trials or imprisonment as Bandaranaike had done in 1971.

In 1990, when the 13-month ceasefire was broken by the Tamil Tigers, after other militias surrendered their weapons, the government decided to break off negotiations with the Tigers and employ a military solution. Anura supported the move, but his mother, Bandaranaike, spoke against the plan. When emergency powers were assumed by the president, she demanded that the state of emergency be lifted, accusing the government of human rights abuses.

During her tenure as opposition leader, she supported the impeachment of Premadasa in 1991, which was led by senior United National Party members such as Lalith Athulathmudali and Gamini Dissanayake. The impeachment failed, as Premadasa adjourned Parliament and the speaker M. H. Mohamed dismissed the motion for impeachment, stating there were not enough signatures supporting it. Bandaranaike's daughter Chandrika Kumaratunga, who had been living in self-imposed exile in London since 1988, when her husband had been assassinated, returned to Sri Lanka and rejoined the Freedom Party in 1991. In the same year, Bandaranaike, who was increasingly impaired by arthritis, suffered a stroke.

In 1992, Premadasa Udugampola, head of the Bureau of Special Operations, was forced to retire after an international outcry over human rights abuse surfaced. Udugampola provided a written statement that the death squads used against rebels had been backed by the government. Bandaranaike came out in support of his evidence, but Udugampola was charged for cultivating public hostility against the government. When President Premadasa was assassinated by a suicide bomber on 1 May 1993, his prime minister Dingiri Banda Wijetunga was sworn as acting president and nominated to complete the president's unexpired term until 12 November 1994. The members of Parliament were required to vote on the succession within a month. Due to her failing health, Bandaranaike chose not to run for the presidency, but to continue as opposition leader, and Wijetunga ran unopposed.

Wijetunga convinced Bandaranaike's son, Anura, to defect to the United National Party and rewarded him with an appointment as Minister of Higher Education. His defection left Bandaranaike and Kumaratunga in charge of the Freedom Party. Due to her mother's declining health, Kumaratunga led the formation of a new coalition, the People's Alliance (PA), to contest the 1993 provincial election in the Western Province of Sri Lanka in May. The alliance won a landslide victory, and Kumaratunga was appointed as the chief minister in 1993. Subsequently, the coalition led by Kumaratunga also won the southern provincial council elections. Kumaratunga led the People's Alliance campaign for the 1994 parliamentary election, as her mother was recovering from surgery. The Alliance won a decisive victory, and Bandaranaike announced that Kumaratunga would become prime minister. By this time Kumaratunga had also succeeded her as the leader of the Freedom Party. Mentally alert but suffering from a foot ailment and complications from diabetes, Bandaranaike used a wheelchair. Having been re-elected to parliament, she was appointed to her daughter's cabinet as a Minister without Portfolio at the swearing-in ceremony held on 19 August 1994.

Third Premiership (1994–2000)

In the presidential election that followed in November, Kumaratunga's main political rival, Gamini Dissanayake, was assassinated two weeks before the election. His widow, Srima Dissanayake, was chosen as the United National Party's presidential candidate. Kumaratunga's lead was predicted to be around a million votes even before the assassination; she won the election by a wide margin. Becoming the first female President of Sri Lanka, Kumaratunga appointed her mother as prime minister, which under the terms of the 1978 constitution meant Bandaranaike was responsible for defence and foreign affairs. Though the office of prime minister had become mainly a ceremonial post, Bandaranaike's influence in the Freedom Party remained strong. While they agreed on policy, Kumaratunga and Bandaranaike differed on leadership style.

In 1994, Bandaranaike initiated the establishment of a diplomatic training institute to support the professional development of the Foreign Service and provide training for career diplomats. She appointed Vernon Mendis, a senior career diplomat and member of the first batch of the Ceylon Foreign Service, as its director-general. The institute subsequently expanded its programmes and activities, developing into an international and regional centre that attracts students and experts from Sri Lanka and abroad.

Resignation and death

By 2000, Bandaranaike was the world's oldest serving Premier at the age of 84. Kumaratunga wanted a younger prime minister, Bandaranaike, citing health reasons, stepped down in August 2000. Her resignation marked the end of a four-decade political career in which she rose to become Prime Minister three times and served as Leader of the Opposition on two occasions.

Bandaranaike later died on 10 October 2000 of a heart attack at Kadawatha, as she was heading home to Colombo. She had been casting her vote in the parliamentary election, which had been held that day. Sri Lanka declared two days of national mourning, and state radio stations abandoned their regular programming to play funeral laments. State television later featured a retrospective on her life.

State funeral

Bandaranaike’s state funeral was held following the two days of national mourning. Her flag-draped coffin was carried on a gun carriage in a procession led by personnel from Sri Lanka’s three armed services, accompanied by a 19-gun salute, from the grounds of her family estate in Nittambuwa. A two-kilometre section of the main highway near the estate was closed to accommodate mourners who gathered along the route. As a mark of respect, liquor stores, cinemas and slaughterhouses were requested to close during the funeral. The proceedings were broadcast on television and attracted widespread public attention across the country. President Chandrika Kumaratunga, Bandaranaike’s daughter, and Bandaranaike’s son Anura were present at the ceremony as Buddhist monks recited prayers and blessings. The mourners included Indian Vice President Krishan Kant, foreign dignitaries and Sri Lankan political leaders.

In accordance with Bandaranaike's wishes, she was buried rather than cremated, in keeping with the traditional Buddhist practice, which is where her remains lay in state in the parliament, and her funeral subsequently took place at Horagolla, where she was interred in the mausoleum, Horagolla Bandaranaike Samadhi, originally built for her husband.

Tributes and reactions

Condolences and tributes were also sent by international leaders, including Indian President K. R. Narayanan and Chinese Premier Li Peng, who acknowledged Bandaranaike’s political career and international role. One newspaper described Bandaranaike as a pioneer for women in political leadership, noting that her example preceded the rise of other female national leaders, including Golda Meir, Indira Gandhi and Margaret Thatcher. The Sri Lanka Freedom Party paid tribute to Bandaranaike, describing her as a “heroic mother of the nation.” The party she had led, however, had subsequently evolved in its policies and political positions from those associated with her tenure.

Ideology

Sirimavo Bandaranaike's ideology combined socialist economic policies, Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism and anti-colonialism. She supported a strong role for the state in the economy, including nationalisation, land reform, state ownership of major industries, and restrictions on foreign influence. Her governments also expanded state involvement in education and other areas of public life, while pursuing policies of economic redistribution and greater state control over the economy.

Her ideology was also strongly connected to the political legacy of her husband, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, who had founded the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and served as prime minister from 1956 until his assassination in 1959. After his death, Sirimavo became leader of the SLFP and sought to continue and develop his political programme. She continued his policies after becoming prime minister in 1960, including further nationalisation and expansion of state control.

During her second term from 1970 to 1977, she expanded upon her husband's programme, with her United Front government pursuing more extensive socialist measures, including nationalisation, land reform, and a stronger role for the state in economic planning.

Foreign policy

Foreign policy was widely regarded as one of the most successful aspects of Bandaranaike's governments. Building on the policy framework established during her late husband S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike’s tenure, she further developed and elevated Sri Lanka's policy of non-alignment, bringing it greater international prominence. While maintaining Sri Lanka's non-aligned position amid the Cold War rivalry between the major power blocs, her government sought to strengthen relations with other developing countries and advance their shared interests in international forums. Under her leadership, Sri Lanka played an increasingly prominent role in the Non-Aligned Movement and in efforts to promote the interests of developing states in global affairs.

Alongside her multilateral diplomacy, Bandaranaike placed considerable importance on bilateral relations and personal engagement with foreign leaders. Before entering office, she had already met several prominent international figures while accompanying her husband on visits to the United Nations and neighbouring countries, as well as during visits by foreign leaders to. These early contacts contributed to a network of personal relationships that she maintained throughout her political career. Her diplomatic engagement with foreign leaders continued during and between her periods in office, complementing Sri Lanka's wider multilateral and non-aligned foreign policy.

The Non-Aligned Movement

Bandaranaike attended the 1st Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, in 1961, where she became one of the movement's founding participants alongside leaders including Jawaharlal Nehru, Josip Broz Tito, Sukarno, Gamal Abdel Nasser and Kwame Nkrumah. As one of the participating leaders at the movement's inaugural summit, she supported its efforts to provide an alternative to alignment with either of the Cold War power blocs. Addressing the conference, Bandaranaike emphasised the importance of negotiation over warfare and called for the movement to influence international opinion against the use of war as a means of resolving disputes.

At the 2nd Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement in Cairo, Josip Broz Tito transferred the chairmanship of the movement to Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser. Addressing the plenary session, Bandaranaike argued that the definition and role of non-alignment required reassessment in response to changing relations between the major powers. She noted that the concept had originally emerged from a determination to avoid involvement in competing power blocs. The Cairo Conference subsequently adopted resolutions supporting the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones covering the world's oceans and condemning efforts by major powers to establish and maintain military bases in the Indian Ocean. Bandaranaike later presented the Cairo Declaration to the Senate on 10 November 1964, where it was endorsed and became an important element of Ceylon's foreign-policy framework.

At the 3rd Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement, in Lusaka, Zambian president Kenneth Kaunda succeeded Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser as chair of the movement. Leading the Ceylonese delegation, Bandaranaike reiterated her opposition to political, economic and military pressure from either Cold War power bloc and defended non-alignment as an independent foreign-policy approach for developing countries. She also advanced the concept of “zones of peace”, proposing that the land, territorial waters and airspace of non-aligned countries should be protected from great-power rivalries and conflicts. At the conference, she further advocated the declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace.

The 4th Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement was held in Algiers, where representatives of 75 member states gathered and Zambian president Kenneth Kaunda transferred the chairmanship of the movement to Algerian president Houari Boumédiène. Leading the Sri Lankan delegation, Bandaranaike supported efforts to place economic development and cooperation among developing countries more prominently on the movement's agenda. The summit adopted an Economic Declaration and an Action Programme for Economic Cooperation, which addressed the economic challenges facing developing countries. These issues were further developed at the 1976 Colombo Summit, after which Bandaranaike presented the resulting resolutions to the United Nations General Assembly in September 1976.

Bandaranaike assumed the role as chairperson of the Non-Aligned Movement following the 5th Summit, which Sri Lanka hosted in Colombo in 1976. Succeeding Algerian president Houari Boumédiène as chair of the 86-member movement, she emphasised economic development, collective self-reliance and efforts to reduce disparities between developed and developing countries. The summit also endorsed calls for a New International Economic Order and the expansion of international trade. Held at the newly constructed Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall (BMICH), which had been provided as a gift by China, the summit brought Sri Lanka to the forefront of the Non-Aligned Movement and the wider developing world.

South Asia

Bandaranaike's South Asian foreign policy was characterised by strict non-alignment, the balancing of relations with regional and global powers, and the promotion of regional peace.

India

During the premiership of Jawaharlal Nehru, Bandaranaike's relations with India were shaped in particular by her efforts to mediate the Sino-Indian conflict following the outbreak of the Sino-Indian War in 1962. In November and December of that year, she convened conferences in Colombo with representatives of Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, Ghana and the United Arab Republic to discuss possible approaches to the dispute. Bandaranaike subsequently travelled with Ghanaian justice minister Kofi Asante Ofori-Atta to India and Peking in an effort to broker a settlement. In January 1963, Bandaranaike and Ofori-Atta secured a significant diplomatic development when Nehru agreed in New Delhi to introduce a motion in the Indian Parliament recommending the settlement proposals advanced by Bandaranaike.

In September 1964 Bandaranaike led a delegation to India to discuss the repatriation of the 975,000 stateless Tamils residing in Ceylon. Along with Indian prime minister Lal Bahadur Shastri, she ironed out the terms of the Srimavo-Shastri Pact, a landmark agreement for the foreign policy of both nations. Under the agreement, Ceylon was to grant citizenship to 300,000 of the Tamils and their descendants while India was to repatriate 525,000 stateless Tamils. During the 15 years allotted to complete their obligations, the parties agreed to negotiate terms for the remaining 150,000.

Bandaranaike enjoyed cordial and personal relations with Indian prime minister Indira Gandhi, her Indian counterpart, during a period regarded as a high point in relations between India and Sri Lanka. Building upon the Sirima–Shastri Pact of 1964, the two leaders signed the Sirima–Gandhi Pact on 28 June 1974 to address the status of the remaining 150,000 people of Indian origin in Sri Lanka whose citizenship had been left unresolved under the earlier agreement. The pact sought to further resolve the issue of stateless persons of Indian origin and contributed to the settlement of one of the principal issues affecting relations between the two countries.

Later in 1974, Bandaranaike and Gandhi concluded the Indo-Sri Lankan Maritime agreement, which sought to resolve the maritime boundary between the two countries in the Palk Strait. Under the agreement, India recognised Katchatheev, a small island in the Palk Strait, as falling within Sri Lankan territory. The island is located between Neduntheevu, Sri Lanka and Rameswaram, India and has been traditionally used by both Sri Lankan Tamil and Indian Tamil fishermen. This agreement represented another significant development in relations between India and Sri Lanka during their respective premierships.

Another agreement signed in 1976 further defined the maritime boundary between the two countries and restricted fishermen from each country from fishing within the other's exclusive economic zones.

Pakistan

As part of her efforts to strengthen Sri Lanka's international relations, Bandaranaike also sought to develop closer ties with Pakistan. She hosted Pakistani president Ayub Khan during a state visit, during which he addressed the Sri Lankan Parliament.

Bandaranaike continued to strengthen relations with Pakistan during her second premiership. At the invitation of Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, she undertook a state visit to Pakistan in September 1974, during which she addressed a joint session of the Senate and National Assembly, becoming the first Sri Lankan leader to do so. She also visited Karachi to observe development activities. In December 1975, Bhutto visited Sri Lanka and addressed the National State Assembly, becoming the second Pakistani leader to do so. During his visit, he held discussions with Bandaranaike on developments in Pakistan following the country's breakup after the Indo-Pak War of 1971, as well as Sri Lanka's earlier support for Pakistan, including its decision to permit the refuelling of civilian aircraft travelling between East and West Pakistan.

Southeast Asia

In 1976, Bandaranaike undertook a tour of Southeast Asia, visiting Indonesia, Burma, Malaysia and the Philippines. In Jakarta, she met President Suharto, with the visit reflecting the two countries’ shared commitment to non-alignment and their earlier connections through the 1955 Asian–African Conference in Bandung. She subsequently visited Burma, where she held discussions with Prime Minister Sein Win and President Ne Win, and met Khin Kyi, the widow of Burmese independence leader Aung San and mother of Aung San Suu Kyi. In Malaysia, Bandaranaike met Prime Minister Hussein Onn and other senior government officials, who expressed appreciation for Sri Lanka's earlier decision to permit a hijacked aircraft travelling from Kuala Lumpur to refuel in Colombo; she was also received by King Sultan Yahya Petra. Her tour concluded with a three-day visit to the Philippines, where President Ferdinand Marcos and First Lady Imelda Marcos hosted her and discussions were held on bilateral cooperation in trade, industry, finance, education and agriculture.

East Asia

Bandaranaike's foreign policy towards East Asia was characterised by efforts to strengthen diplomatic and economic relations, particularly with the People's Republic of China. Her government also engaged with other countries in the region as part of Sri Lanka's wider policy of non-alignment and cooperation with developing nations.

China

In 1964 Chinese premier Zhou Enlai made a four-day visit to Ceylon, his second visit to the country following his first in 1957, when diplomatic relations between the two countries were established during the premiership of Bandaranaike's late husband S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike. During discussions with Sirimavo Bandaranaike, it was agreed that China would provide an international conference hall as a gift to Ceylon. The hall was named after S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike in recognition of his role in establishing and promoting diplomatic relations between the two countries and as a symbol of Sino–Ceylonese friendship.

During a state visit to China in 1972, Bandaranaike met with Chinese leader Mao Zedong, Premier Zhou Enlai and other senior Chinese officials. In discussions with the Chinese leadership, she outlined her government's Five-Year Plan, following which China provided Sri Lanka with a long-term, interest-free loan. The talks also addressed international issues, including her proposal to declare the Indian Ocean a Zone of Peace, which received Chinese support, as well as the situations in Indo China, Palestine and South Asia. During the visit, she also travelled to Shenyang, Dalian and Shanghai.

Japan

In November 1976, Bandaranaike's East Asian tour concluded with a visit to Tokyo, where Bandaranaike held talks with Japanese prime minister and counterpart Takeo Miki. Following their discussions, Japan pledged increased grant and project assistance to Sri Lanka. During the visit, Bandaranaike also travelled to Mikimoto Pearl Island and Kyoto, and was received by Emperor Hirohito and Empress Nagako.

Middle East

Bandaranaike pursued a broadly pro-Arab foreign policy in the Middle East, strengthening Sri Lanka's relations with Arab states while supporting Palestinian causes.

The United Arab Republic

During a visit to the United Arab Republic in October 1963, Bandaranaike met with President Gamal Abdel Nasser and Prime Minister Ali Sabri. Ceylon's support for Egypt during the 1956 Suez Crisis contributed to the favourable reception she received during the visit. Discussions focused on disarmament and the situation in South Vietnam, while the United Arab Republic also agreed to increase its purchases of Ceylonese tea. Egypt had previously worked closely with Ceylon during the Sino–Indian border dispute and participated in efforts to prevent the conflict from escalating.

Iraq

In April 1975, Bandaranaike undertook a four-day visit to Iraq amid the economic pressures faced by oil-importing developing countries following sharp increases in global oil prices. During discussions with Iraqi vice president Saddam Hussein, she raised concerns about the impact of rising oil prices on developing countries. Iraq subsequently agreed to supply Sri Lanka with 250,000 tonnes of oil under a four-year deferred-payment arrangement at a low rate of interest.

Israel and Palestine

During the 1970s, Bandaranaike's government sought to develop relations with the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), despite the organisation's reported links with Tamil separatist groups. Several PLO representatives visited Sri Lanka and urged the government to sever diplomatic relations with Israel.

During her 1970 election campaign, Bandaranaike pledged to close the Israeli embassy in Sri Lanka in support of the Palestinian cause. After returning to power, her government closed the embassy and subsequently severed diplomatic relations with Israel, citing its alleged violation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 242, despite several threats by lobbies in the United Kingdom to boycott Ceylon tea. The decision was welcomed by several Arab leaders, who viewed it as an expression of support for the Palestinian cause. Later in 1975, the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) established a Palestinian embassy in Sri Lanka, a year after the establishment of the Sri Lanka-Palestine Solidarity Committee.

Africa

Bandaranaike was strongly opposed to apartheid in South Africa and supported the imposition of economic sanctions against the country. Speaking in the Senate, she argued that such measures could only be effective if they were implemented collectively by countries around the world. She also expressed support for Nelson Mandela and the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. Although the two never met, she raised concerns about his imprisonment and apartheid in international forums and reportedly sent Mandela letters of support during his imprisonment. Following his release, Mandela acknowledged the support he had received from Bandaranaike and Sri Lanka during his imprisonment.

In January 1975, Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda, with whom Bandaranaike had previously interacted at several international forums, visited Sri Lanka while preparations were underway for the upcoming Non-Aligned Movement summit.

Europe

Bandaranaike's foreign policy maintained close relations with the Soviet Union and other socialist states in Eastern Europe. While formally committed to non-alignment, her government expanded political, economic and diplomatic cooperation with these countries as part of Sri Lanka's broader engagement with the socialist world.

Soviet Union

Aware of the risks associated with reliance on a single superpower during the Cold War, Bandaranaike sought to strengthen relations with the Soviet Union. In October 1963, she became the first woman and Sri Lankan prime minister to undertake a state visit to the Soviet Union, where she held extensive discussions with Premier Nikita Khrushchev. During the visit, she negotiated an agreement for the purchase of Soviet oil at reduced prices, with Ceylon expected to increase its imports after the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation assumed responsibility for the country's petroleum distribution from 1 January 1964. The visit, described as a “mission of friendship”, was welcomed by the Soviet authorities. Addressing a state function in Moscow, she also noted that the visit had fulfilled a wish shared with her late husband, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, whose planned visit to the Soviet Union had been prevented by his assassination.

In November 1974, Bandaranaike returned to the Soviet Union during her second term, on an official visit, travelling to Tashkent, Moscow and Tbilisi. During the visit, she met with Premier Alexei Kosygin and Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko, and the discussions further strengthened relations between Sri Lanka and the Soviet Union. A special aircraft was provided by the Soviet government for Bandaranaike and her delegation's travel to and from Moscow.

Yugoslavia

Bandaranaike also maintained close relations with Yugoslav President Josip Broz Tito, a prominent leader of the Non-Aligned Movement, despite Sri Lanka's extensive engagement with the Soviet Union. Tito had visited Ceylon in January 1959, and he and Bandaranaike subsequently participated together at numerous international forums. Their interactions during her periods in office contributed to the development of relations between Sri Lanka and Yugoslavia, and their association continued beyond Bandaranaike's time in political office.

Eastern Bloc Countries

In October 1963, Bandaranaike visited Czechoslovakia, where she met with prime minister Jozef Lenárt and President Antonín Novotný. She also travelled to Poland and held discussions with prime minister Józef Cyrankiewicz. During her visit, she was received by the Polish Women's League, which expressed admiration for her achievements.

Western Europe

During her periods in office, Bandaranaike met with four British prime ministers: Harold Macmillan, Alec Douglas-Home, Harold Wilson and Edward Heath. In October 1971, Bandaranaike undertook a four-day official visit to the United Kingdom as a guest of Prime Minister Edward Heath. She expressed appreciation for British support provided earlier that year in response to the JVP insurrection in Ceylon. During the visit, she met Queen Elizabeth II, Heath and former prime minister and then Foreign Secretary Alec Douglas-Home, and discussed the potential implications for Ceylon of Britain's proposed accession to the European Economic Community with Geoffrey Rippon, the British government's chief negotiator on the matter.

In 1964, Bandaranaike's government's formal recognition of East Germany resulted in the suspension of aid from West Germany. Later, relations between Sri Lanka and West Germany improved. In September 1974, Bandaranaike visited West Germany at the invitation of Chancellor Helmut Schmidt, where discussions focused on the global energy crisis and its impact on developing countries.

North America

As a founding participant in the Non-Aligned Movement who led Sri Lanka's delegation to its first five summits, Bandaranaike maintained relations with both sides of the Cold War divide. Despite Sri Lanka's policy of non-alignment, she engaged extensively with both the United States and the Soviet Union, using these relationships to address international issues, coordinate positions with other developing countries and pursue Sri Lanka's national interests.

United States

In December 1961, Bandaranaike wrote to United States President John F. Kennedy following the introduction of an American policy to dispose of surplus natural rubber from its stockpiles, which contributed to a decline in global rubber prices. As Ceylon was heavily dependent on rubber exports, she drew attention to the potential consequences for the country's economy and urged the United States to reconsider the policy. Kennedy subsequently acknowledged the seriousness of the situation and assured Bandaranaike that the United States would seek to minimise the policy's impact on the global rubber market. The disposal programme was modified shortly afterwards.

In April 1962, Bandaranaike again wrote to Kennedy, this time protesting the United States’ resumption of nuclear testing. She argued that the tests undermined international efforts towards disarmament and a ban on Nuclear weapons testing, and expressed concern over what she described as the disregard for the position of non-aligned countries committed to nuclear disarmament. In his reply to Bandaranaike, Kennedy referred to her earlier speech at the Belgrade summit, in which she had emphasised the need for effective systems of inspection and control during each stage of disarmament. While acknowledging possible differences over what constituted effective inspection and control, Kennedy noted their shared support for the principle.

In June 1963, Bandaranaike's government made the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation the sole importer and distributor of petroleum products in the country, resulting in the nationalisation of foreign oil companies. The decision, which was intended to conserve foreign exchange and ensure a reliable supply of petroleum, caused concern in Washington and London. The nationalisation led to the invocation of the Hickenlooper Amendment, restricting United States aid to Ceylon, although Kennedy subsequently sought to maintain and improve relations between the two countries.

While visiting the United States to address the United Nations General Assembly in 1971, Bandaranaike also made a private visit to Washington, D.C. She held bilateral discussions with President Richard Nixon in the Oval Office and met with Secretary of State William P. Rogers. She was also hosted by First Lady Pat Nixon. President Nixon had previously visited Ceylon in November 1953 while serving as Vice President of the United States.

Canada

Canadian prime minister Pierre Trudeau’s four-day visit to Ceylon was an important development in relations between the two countries. Bandaranaike and Trudeau developed a cordial relationship that continued during their respective periods in office. Trudeau also cited Ceylon's accommodation of two languages and four religions as an example in discussions concerning linguistic and cultural diversity in Canada.

Later in October 1971, Bandaranaike visited Canada in what was regarded as a reciprocal visit following Canadian prime minister Pierre Trudeau's earlier visit to Ceylon that year. Discussions focused on issues before the United Nations, developments in South Asia and Canadian assistance to Ceylon. During the visit, Bandaranaike, in her capacity as Minister of External Affairs and Defence, also met with Canadian foreign minister Mitchell Sharp.

Mexico

During a visit to Mexico in June 1975, Bandaranaike held discussions with President Luis Echeverría and senior government ministers. The talks resulted in Mexico agreeing to increase its purchases of Ceylonese cinnamon. Echeverría subsequently visited Sri Lanka.

Domestic policy

Education

From 1972, Bandaranaike’s government introduced reforms to the education system, including changes to assessment and examinations. The reforms sought to broaden assessment from a selective system to one serving a larger proportion of students, while introducing elements of decentralised assessment in pre-vocational studies. These studies were intended to contribute to selection for higher education and to be assessed continuously by teachers. The implementation of the reforms was criticised for being rushed and insufficiently developed.

Affirmative action policies were introduced in Sri Lanka during the 1970s under the United Front government led by Bandaranaike. Her government changed the criteria for university admission, initially favouring students from the Sinhalese majority. The policy was subsequently modified into a regional quota system that applied across ethnic and religious groups. The changes were criticised for reducing the emphasis on academic merit and for contributing to a decline in the admission of Tamil students to science and medical faculties.

By 1973, Sri Lanka’s literacy rate had exceeded 80 percent, among the highest in Asia. This was attributed in part to the country’s longstanding policy of providing free education through the university level.

Healthcare

In 1961, Bandaranaike’s government enacted the Ayurveda Act No. 31 of 1961, providing a statutory framework for Ayurveda and traditional medicine in Ceylon. The Act established the Department of Ayurveda and provided for the regulation of Ayurvedic practitioners and healthcare institutions, as well as the development of Ayurvedic education and research. It came into operation in October 1962.

In 1971, the government established a National Pharmaceuticals Policy following the recommendations of a commission chaired by Dr S. A. Wickremasinghe and Professor Senaka Bibile. The commission had been appointed to examine the country’s pharmaceutical trade and recommended the establishment of a national policy and a state institution to regulate the sector.

The policy sought to ensure the availability of good-quality medicines at the lowest possible prices and to encourage doctors to prescribe only the medicines necessary to treat patients. At the time, pharmaceutical companies commonly marketed medicines under proprietary brand names and provided information promoting branded products, which were often considerably more expensive than their generic equivalents. The policy therefore sought to promote the use of generic medicines and rational prescribing.

The approach attracted international attention and was subsequently regarded as a pioneering example of a national pharmaceutical policy. World Health Organization and other United Nations agencies supported the Sri Lankan experience, while the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development examined it as a potential model for other developing countries. With the assistance of Seneka Bibile, UNCTAD published Case Studies in the Transfer of Technology: Pharmaceutical Policies in Sri Lanka, examining the country’s experience and its potential application elsewhere.

The first Five-Year Health Plan for 1972–1976 placed greater emphasis on preventive healthcare. Its priorities included improving immunisation services and health education, addressing nutritional anaemia among pregnant women, and expanding rural water-supply and sanitation schemes. The plan also contributed to the gradual strengthening of primary healthcare during the 1970s.

Land reform

In 1972, Bandaranaike introduced major land reforms in Sri Lanka, with the enactment of the Land Reform Act of No. 01 of 1972 which imposed a ceiling of twenty hectares on privately owned land, this was later followed up by the Land Reform (Amendment) Act in 1975 that nationalized plantations owned by public companies. The objective of these land reforms were to grant lands to landless peasants. Critiques claimed that the second wave of reforms were targeted the wealthy landowners that had traditionally supported the United National Party. As a result of these reforms the state became the largest plantation owner and two entities, the Sri Lanka State Plantations Corporation, the Janatha Estate Development Board (People's Estate Development Board) and the USAWASAMA (Upcountry Cooperative Estate Development Board) were established to manage these estates. In the years following these land reforms, the production of the key export crops which Sri Lanka depended on for the in follow of foreign currency dropped.

Mahaweli Development Programme

In 1961, Bandaranaike’s government initiated the process that eventually led to the Mahaweli Development programme by seeking assistance from the United Nations Special Fund to survey the Mahaweli ganga Basin and the Dry Zone of Ceylon. The programme was subsequently developed as a multipurpose rural-development project based on the water resources of the Mahaweli Ganga and six associated river basins. Its objectives included expanding irrigation and agricultural production, generating hydroelectric power, creating employment, settling landless farming families and providing flood control. The programme also involved the development of new townships, village centres and settlements, together with supporting services such as education, healthcare and agricultural assistance. It was originally planned for implementation over 35 years.

The first phase, initiated under Bandaranaike’s government and implemented from 1970, was completed in 1976. It included diversion headworks at Polgolla and Bowatenna, a 40 MW hydroelectric power station at Ukuwela, and improvements to water supplies serving approximately 52,700 hectares of existing irrigated land.

Language Policy

The Official Language Act No. 33 of 1956, commonly known as the Sinhala Only Act, made Sinhala the sole official language of Ceylon, replacing English and excluding Tamil from official-language status. Following the anti-Tamil riots of 1958, Prime Minister S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike’s government introduced the Tamil Language (Special Provisions) Act No. 28 of 1958. The Act provided for the use of Tamil as a medium of instruction in schools and universities, as a language for examinations for entry into the public service, subject to provisions concerning proficiency in Sinhala, and for official correspondence and administrative purposes in the Northern and Eastern Provinces.

After Sirimavo Bandaranaike became prime minister in January 1960, her government continued the implementation of the Sinhala Only policy. In 1961, it enacted the Language of the Courts Act No. 3 of 1961, which provided for Sinhala as the language of the courts. Regulations giving effect to the Tamil Language (Special Provisions) Act were eventually approved in January 1966 under the government of Dudley Senanayake. However, the adoption of the 1972 Constitution during Bandaranaike’s second premiership entrenched Sinhala as the official language, while provisions concerning Tamil remained subordinate to the constitutional language framework.

"the Tamils felt indignant that it was specifically stated in the constitution that the provisions relating to the Tamil language could be amended by ordinary legislation whereas the provisions relating to the Sinhalese were constitutionally entrenched."

The policy turned out to be "severely discriminatory" and placed the Tamil-speaking population at a "serious disadvantage". As a Sinhalese academic A. M. Navaratna Bandara writes: "The Tamil-speaking people were given no option but to learn the language of the majority if they wanted to get public service employment. [...] A large number of Tamil public servants had to accept compulsory retirement because of their inability to prove proficiency in the official language [....]" It also entailed that a Sinhalese officer working in Tamil areas was exempted from learning Tamil, but a Tamil officer working in even Tamil areas had to learn Sinhala. The effects of these policies were dramatic as shown by the drastic drop of Tamil representation in public sector: "In 1956, 30 percent of the Ceylon administrative service, 50 percent of the clerical service, 60 percent of engineers and doctors, and 40 percent of the armed forces were Tamil. By 1970 under Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s government, those numbers had plummeted to 5 percent, 5 percent, 10 percent, and 1 percent, respectively." For much of the 1960s government forms and services were virtually unavailable to Tamils, and this situation only partly improved with later relaxations of the law.

Legacy and public image

At a time in history when the idea of a woman leading a country was almost unthinkable to the public, Bandaranaike helped raise the global perception of women's capabilities. In addition to her own contributions to Sri Lanka, her children became involved in the development of the country. All three children held nationally prominent positions; in addition to Anura and Chandrika's roles in government, Bandaranaike's daughter Sunetra worked as her political secretary in the 1970s and later became a philanthropist. The Bandaranaike marriage helped break down social barriers in Sri Lanka over the years, through the Socialist policies they enacted.

During her three terms in office, Bandaranaike led the country away from its colonial past and into its political independence as a republic. Implementing socialist policies during the Cold War, she attempted to nationalise key sectors of the economy and undertake land reforms to benefit the native population, desiring to end the political favouritism enjoyed by the Western-educated elites. A major goal of her policies was to reduce the ethnic and socio-economic disparities in the country. As one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement, Bandaranaike brought Sri Lanka to prominence among the nations which sought to remain neutral to the influence of the superpowers. She worked to forge alliances between the countries in the Global South, and sought to resolve issues diplomatically, opposing nuclear expansion.

Bandaranaike developed a distinctive public image through her dress and hairstyle. She frequently wore the traditional Sri Lankan osariya, paired with a tightly styled sinhalese bun. Her hair was typically arranged in an impeccably neat low bun, often in the form of a double bun or kondé, positioned at the nape of her neck. The combination became closely associated with her public appearance and contributed to the visual image by which she was recognised both in Sri Lanka and abroad.

At the height of her political influence, Bandaranaike was treated with considerable deference by some supporters and officials. Accounts from the period describe sycophantic behaviour, with some individuals prostrating themselves before her or touching her feet, while officials were reported to withdraw backwards from her presence and address her in a manner associated with royalty. Senior defence officials were also reported to carry her luggage during official trips. On one occasion, women from a socially disadvantaged caste reportedly offered their hair as a carpet for her to walk upon, although Bandaranaike declined the gesture.

Despite Bandaranaike's notability as the world's first woman prime minister, political scholars have commented that Bandaranaike was symbolically powerful, but ultimately had little impact on women's political representation in Sri Lanka. Although Bandaranaike expressed pride in her status as a woman leader, considering herself a "Mother of the People", she did not place much personal or political emphasis on women's issues, and her election as prime minister did not significantly increase the number of women in Sri Lankan politics. Her appointment of the first woman minister, Siva Obeyesekere, to the Sri Lankan Cabinet in 1976, was less than revolutionary due to the fact that Obeyesekere was a relative of Bandaranaike's. That appointment followed a pattern of Bandaranaike appointing family members to high government positions.

By 1994, even though Bandaranaike and her daughter Kumaratunga held the top political positions of prime minister and president, Sri Lanka continued to have some of the lowest political participation rates for women out of any Asian country. In 1998, the Sirimavo Bandaranaike Memorial Exhibition Centre was constructed on the grounds of the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall (BMICH) as a gift from China. The BMICH complex also houses the Bandaranaike Museum, which contains personal artefacts belonging to S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike and Sirimavo Bandaranaike. Originally commissioned in 1973 following the completion of the BMICH, the museum was expanded in 2005 to include additional artefacts relating to Mrs Bandaranaike, who had died five years earlier.

In 2010, on the 50th anniversary of Bandaranaike's election as the world's first female prime minister, Sri Lankan parliamentarian Rosy Senanayake told the press that Sri Lanka had not made significant progress towards gender equality in politics: only 4.5 per cent of parliamentarians were women. Senanayake had earlier called for a "special quota" to achieve better gender representation: such a quota, reserving 25% of all legislative seats for women, was passed in 2016.

In 2023, a documentary film chronicling her life story, titled Our Mother, Grandmother, Prime Minister: Sirimavo, was released. The film is portrayed through conversations with her two daughters, Sunethra and Chandrika, as well as two of her grandchildren. The film also contains personal accounts from long-standing members of the Ceylon Administrative Service, who were part of her cabinet. It won Best Documentary at the 21st Dhaka International Film Festival.

Titles, awards and honours

The title "Mathini" became closely associated with Bandaranaike from the beginning of her premiership. A Sri Lankan account of her political career describes members of the public addressing her as "Mathini" following her appointment as prime minister in July, 1960. According to another Sri Lankan account, crowds gathered outside Queen's House after Bandaranaike became prime minister and they addressed her as "Mathini" when she appeared before them. She would continue to have this title throughout her later political life.

Established on 1 January 1973, Stanmore Crescent Primary School was renamed Sirimavo Bandaranaike Vidyalaya in December of the same year in honour of Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike.

In 1977, the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), recognising Bandaranaike's contribution to food self-sufficiency in Sri Lanka, awarded her the Ceres Medal. FAO director-general Edouard Saouma presented the medal, named after the Roman goddess of agriculture, at a ceremony in Colombo. Saouma praised Bandaranaike's leadership and policies on agricultural development, particularly her efforts on behalf of disadvantaged communities in the developing world, stating that he could "think of no one who, by her actions on behalf of the needy, is more worthy to represent all that is symbolised by Ceres."

Electoral history