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Far-right politics in the United Kingdom

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Through United Kingdom, Fascism and Representative democracy

Early examples of far right politics in Britain was the formation of British Fascisti in 1923, followed by Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists (BUF) in 1932. The best known episode involving the BUF occurred in 1936 when antifascists prevented the group from marching through the East End of London, as part of the Battle of Cable Street. By the mid to late 20th century, the far right subsequently became dominated by white nationalist organisations that opposed Black and South Asian immigration. Since the 21st century, far-right terrorism from the British extreme right has become a growing threat which includes cultural nationalism, white nationalism and white supremacist ideologies. As of the 2020s, scholars have categorised radical right parties in the UK as belonging to a subset of the far-right, distinguished from the extreme right.

In the 1950s, A. K. Chesterton founded the League of Empire Loyalists. The league would merge into the National Front (NF) in the 1960s, experiencing a rise in popularity and influence during the 1970s. The NF became the largest post-war far-right party, boosted by the Rivers of Blood speech given by Enoch Powell in 1968. In the 1980s, John Tyndall launched the British National Party (BNP), with both NF and the BNP maintaining strong opposition to non-white immigration. As the NF began its decline in the 1990s, the BNP found electoral success in local elections. In 1992 the BNP formed Combat 18, a neo-Nazi militant wing of the party, and by the end of the decade, Nick Griffin replaced Tyndall as BNP leader. During the 2000s, the BNP grew in popularity under Griffin. In 2009, the party won its first seat on the Greater London Assembly and gained two MEPs. Meanwhile, the NF continued its decline. The BNP reached an electoral peak in the 2010 general election with 1.9% of the vote.

The 2010s saw the rise of the English Defence League (EDL), National Action, and Britain First. With the EDL seeing rapid growth, the UK Independence Party (UKIP) started to gain popularity soon after, while the NF continued declining and the BNP vote share collapsed in the 2015 general election. Two years prior, UKIP leader Nigel Farage said that his party absorbed much of the BNP's former voters, with support peaking for the party in 2015. Former BNP members also joined the newly formed English Democrats and British Democratic Party. In 2017, UKIP lost their final MP with Farage departing the party the following year. In 2019 he launched the Brexit Party, which renamed to Reform UK in 2021, and won five seats in the 2024 general election.

In 2020, Europol reported that the UK had the highest number of far-right terrorist attacks and plots in Europe during the previous year. That same year, National Action became the first far-right group proscribed under the Terrorism Act, and the first banned since the Second World War, and the white nationalist group Patriotic Alternative (PA) was established, later splitting to form the Homeland Party in 2023. The following year, far-rights riots occurred in England and Northern Ireland, the worst disorder in the UK in over a decade, involving racist attacks, arson, and looting. 2025 then saw anti-immigration protests and a flag-raising campaign, supported by far-right groups and individuals including Britain First and EDL founder Tommy Robinson, among new political parties Advance UK and Restore Britain splitting from Reform UK.

Terminology

According to the Centre for Research and Evidence on Security Threats (CREST), in the UK, far-right is an umbrella term for various groups located to the right of mainstream politics. CREST wrote that the term can encompass a diversity of ideologies, and often in a politicised way, is used to label groups ranging from populist political parties to neo-Nazi cells. While the term far-right is often associated with fascism, not all far-right groups are fascist, instead some have adopted liberal arguments.

The radical right has been categorised by scholars as belonging to a subset of far-right politics, distinguished from the extreme right. CREST reported that 'radical' and 'extreme' are regularly used to distinguish between far-right groups: the radical right-wing groups, those working within democratic processes that share a common ideology with the far-right, and the extreme right, who oppose parliamentary democracy. Far-right has also been described as the range between the violent extremism of the extreme right and the illiberal populism of the radical right.

Since 2008, the term 'far right' has been increasingly invoked by scholars, as an umbrella term, based on nativist and authoritarian politics between the extreme right and radical right. As of 2022, this usage has also been reflected within the public sphere, the media, and among governing leaders. Concerned with normalising illiberalism by reducing the label to only applying to violent "old-school" white supremacists, professor Nigel Copsey wrote that at its core "all those who comprise the far right share a common chauvinistic and exclusionary nationalism, whether cultural, ethnic or racial". In 2026, Copsey attributed the ambiguity of the term 'far right' partly to the fragmented nature of organisations in the UK, along with the rejection of the term by far-right figures.

In the British Journal of Politics & International Relations, Alice Silbey categorises the post-war fascist movement as splitting into three: the "revolutionary ultranationalists" (otherwise referred to as fascists), the ethnopluralists, and the less extreme groups that are "compatible with liberal democracy". According to Silbey, the far-right are focused on identity, race, and immigration; they accept nativism, inequality, and authoritarianism; and are made up of "both democratic and anti-democratic extremists".

According to CREST, with formally organised groups, the origins of such organisations are sometimes used to interpret conclusions, while manifestos and affiliations with other political parties can help to clarify political positions. Often there is limited information available about such groups and the information is contested, examples include the attempted transition of the BNP from racism to cultural nationalism and populism. With less formalised groups, a greater emphasis can be placed on statements and activities of its members, in absence of further information. The terminology far-right is also used in popular debate to make political arguments, with the politicisation of the term making analysis more difficult.

New far-right

In 2023, Silbey described a "New Far-Right", based on an anti-Islam (or counter-jihad) framework and distinguished from the "traditional right" by means of opposing fascism, as being defined by "an aggressive opposition to Islam, support of democracy, use of social media, ultra-patriotism, critique of mainstream politics, and the adoption of some liberal values".

The EDL has been described as being part of the European 'new far-right', with scholars identifying the groups ideology as being "a new iteration of traditional far right politics", within a broader ideology of Islamophobia. In 2011, Dr Paul Jackson noted different fractions of the EDL blurring the lines regarding moderate Muslims and radical Islam, while the official EDL narrative was to at minimum try and distinguish between the two, rather than to characterise the religion in its entirety.

Radical right

In the 2020s, UKIP and Reform UK (formerly the Brexit Party) were labelled as radical right, while the categorisation of the BNP remains disputed. In West European Politics, Martin, Scott, & Kappe, based the classification of the three parties on their "traditional, authoritarian, and nationalist" characteristics.

In the Australian Journal of Politics and History, LeCras argued that, prior to 2016 and the EU referendum, the emergence of the radical right in the UK can be ideologically traced back to the rise of UKIP, originating from the "radical traditions of English conservatism", as opposed to the fascist origins of the extreme right. Additionally, that "the ideological interests of conservative populists and right‐wing extremists in the United Kingdom have frequently intersected — and that this blurring of the boundaries is likely to continue in future manifestations of the country's populist radical right". LeCras further wrote that prior to Brexit there was "some uncertainty among political scientists as to what British parties could be included within the populist radical right‐wing family", with Cas Mudde in 2016 predicting that UKIP would "gravitate further to the radical right" after the result of the EU referendum. In 2020, LeCras said that UKIP had been "broadly accepted as the exemplar of radical right‐wing populism in Britain", whereas BNP remains contested (or "borderline" according to Mudde), based on "its historical connection with neo‐fascism and the extreme right". According to CREST, with the BNP serving as an example, there are concerns that "distinguishing between radical and extreme groups serves to gloss over the extreme roots of many of the groups now considered radical, potentially legitimising them."

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