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Belfast

Capital and largest city in Northern Ireland

  • 58 min read
  • 15 chapters
Tall buildings seen from Titanic Quarter Belfast
Davidw1406 · CC0

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While chartered as an English settlement in 1613, the town's early growth was driven by an influx of Scottish Presbyterians. Their descendants' disaffection with Ireland's Anglican establishment contributed to the rebellion of 1798 and to the 1801 union with Great Britain that followed. Access to British capital and markets were keys to industrial growth. When granted city status in 1888, Belfast was the world's largest centre of linen manufacture, and by the 1900s its shipyards were building up to a quarter of all United Kingdom tonnage.

New industry, which drew large numbers of Catholics from rural districts, was accompanied by growing sectarian tensions in what had been a largely Protestant town. Heightened by division over Ireland's future in the United Kingdom, these twice erupted in periods of sustained violence involving paramilitaries and security forces: in 1920–22, as Belfast became the capital of the six north-eastern counties retaining the British connection, and in the so-called Troubles, the three decades from the late 1960s during which the British Army was continually deployed on the streets. A legacy of conflict is the barrier-reinforced separation of Protestant and Catholic working-class districts. Since the Good Friday Agreement, the electoral balance in the once Unionist-controlled city has shifted, albeit with no overall majority, in favour of Irish nationalists. New immigrants are adding to the growing number of residents unwilling to identify with either of the two communal traditions.

Belfast has seen significant services sector growth, with important contributions from financial technology, tourism and, with facilities in the redeveloped Harbour Estate, film. It retains a port with commercial and industrial docks, including a reduced Harland & Wolff shipyard and aerospace and defence contractors. Under the Windsor Framework, Belfast and Northern Ireland effectively remain, post Brexit, within both the British domestic and European Single Market trading areas for goods.

The city is served by two airports: Belfast City Airport, located on the Lough shore, and Belfast International Airport (also known as Aldergrove), 15 miles (24 km) west of the city. Belfast supports two universities: Ulster University in the city centre, and in the Botanic area in the south of the city, Queen's University Belfast. Since 2021, Belfast has been a UNESCO designated City of Music.

History

Toponymy

The name Belfast is derived from the Irish Béal Feirste (Irish pronunciation: ), "mouth of the Farset", a river which name comes from Irish fearsaid, meaning a sandbar or tidal ford. This was formed where the Farset flowed into the Lagan (until culverted in the late 18th century) along what is now High Street. It was at this low-water crossing, under or near the current Queen's Bridge, that the early settlement developed.

The compilers of Ulster Scots dialects use various transcriptions for the local pronunciations of "Belfast" including Bilfawst, Bilfaust or Baelfawst.

As a legacy of emigration, Belfast has lent its name to more than a dozen settlements in the United States with the largest being Belfast, Maine, as well as one each in Australia, Canada, New Zealand and South Africa.

Early settlements

The site of Belfast has been occupied since at least the Neolithic. The Giant's Ring, a 5,000-year-old henge, is located near the city, and remains of Iron Age hill forts can still be seen on the surrounding hills. At the beginning of the 14th century, Papal tax rolls recorded two churches: the "Chapel of Dundela" at Knock (Irish cnoc, meaning "hill") in the east, connected by some accounts to the 7th-century evangelist St. Colmcille,and, the "Chapel of the Ford", which may have been a successor to a much older parish church on the present Shankill (Seanchill, "Old Church") Road, dating back to the 9th, or possibly to St. Patrick in the mid 5th century.

In the early 13th century, the Normans established a settlement at the ford comprising a fort, a parish church (now St. George's), and a watermill. This fort became the original Belfast Castle. Seized in the 14th century by the O'Neills of Clandeboye, it was retaken, demolished, and rebuilt several times until, at the end of the 16th century, the Irish power was broken in scorched-earth Nine Years' War.

Conn O'Neill, the last Gaelic lord to command the Lagan Valley, is commemorated in Belfast by the Connswater river. The O'Neills' former stronghold overlooking Belfast is recalled in the name Castlereagh, from An Caisleán Riabhach meaning "the grey castle". Their stone inauguration chair was removed from the Castlereagh Hills and is on display in the Ulster Museum.

Developing port

With a commission from King James VI, in 1613 Sir Arthur Chichester undertook the Plantation of Belfast and the surrounding area, building a new castle in what is now Castle Place, and attracting mainly English and Manx settlers. The subsequent arrival of Scottish Presbyterians embroiled Belfast in its only recorded siege: denounced from London by John Milton as "ungrateful and treacherous guests", in 1649 the newcomers were temporarily expelled by an English Parliamentarian army. In 1689, Catholic Jacobite forces, briefly in command of the town, abandoned it in advance of the landing at Carrickfergus of William, Prince of Orange, who proceeded through Belfast to his celebrated victory on 12 July 1690 at the Boyne.

Together with French Huguenots, the Scots introduced the production of linen, a flax-spinning industry that in the 18th century carried Belfast trade to the Americas. Fortunes were made carrying rough linen clothing and salted provisions to the slave plantations of the West Indies; sugar and rum to Baltimore and New York City; and for the return to Belfast flaxseed and tobacco from the colonies.

From the 1760s, profits from the trade financed improvements in the town's commercial infrastructure, including the Lagan Canal, new docks and quays, and the construction of the White Linen Hall which together attracted to Belfast the linen trade that had formerly gone through Dublin. Abolitionist sentiment, however, defeated the proposal of the greatest of the merchant houses, Cunningham and Greg, in 1786 to commission ships for the Middle Passage.

As "Dissenters" from the established Anglican church (with its episcopacy and ritual), Presbyterians were conscious of sharing, if only in part, the disabilities of Ireland's dispossessed Roman Catholic majority; and of being denied representation in the Irish Parliament. Belfast's two MPs remained nominees of the Chichesters (Marquesses of Donegall). With their emigrant kinsmen in America, the region's Presbyterians were to share a growing disaffection from the Crown.

When early in the American War of Independence, Belfast Lough was raided by the privateer John Paul Jones, the townspeople assembled their own Volunteer militia. Formed ostensibly for defence of the Kingdom, Volunteer corps were soon pressing their own protest against "taxation without representation". Further emboldened by the French Revolution, a more radical element in the town, the Society of United Irishmen, called for Catholic emancipation and a representative national government. In hopes of French assistance, in 1798 the Society organised a republican insurrection. The rebel tradesmen and tenant farmers were defeated north of the town at the Battle of Antrim and to the south at the Battle of Ballynahinch.

Britain seized on the rebellion to abolish the Irish Parliament, unlamented in Belfast, and to incorporate Ireland in a United Kingdom. In 1832, British parliamentary reform permitted the town its first electoral contest – an occasion for an early and lethal sectarian riot.

Industrial expansion, sectarian division

While other Irish towns experienced a loss of manufacturing, Belfast underwent rapid industrial expansion from the 1820s. After a cotton boom and bust, the town emerged as the global leader in the production of linen goods (mill, and finishing, work largely employing women and children), winning the moniker "Linenopolis". Shipbuilding led the development of heavier industry.

By the 1900s, her shipyards were building up to a quarter of the total United Kingdom tonnage, and on the eve of the First World War, in 1914, close to one eighth of world production. This included from the yard of Harland & Wolff the ill-fated RMS Titanic, at the time of her launch in 1911 the largest ship afloat. Other major export industries included textile machinery, rope-making, tobacco and mineral waters.

Industry drew in a new Catholic population settling largely in the west of the town—refugees from a rural poverty intensified by Belfast's mechanisation of spinning and weaving and, in the 1840s, by famine. The plentiful supply of cheap labour helped attract English and Scottish capital to Belfast, but it was also a cause of insecurity. Protestant workers organised and dominated the apprenticed trades and gave a new lease of life to the once largely rural Orange Order. Sectarian tensions, which frequently broke out in riots and workplace expulsions, were also driven by the "constitutional question"; the prospect of a restored Irish parliament in which Protestants (and northern industry) feared being a minority interest.

On 28 September 1912, unionists massed at Belfast's City Hall to sign the Ulster Covenant, pledging to use "all means which may be found necessary to defeat the present conspiracy to set up a Home Rule Parliament in Ireland". This was followed, in a prelude to partition, by the drilling and eventual arming of a 100,000-strong Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). The immediate crisis was averted by the onset of World War I. The UVF formed the 36th (Ulster) Division whose sacrifices in the Battle of the Somme continue to be commemorated in the city by unionist and loyalist organisations.

In 1920–22, as it emerged as the capital of the six counties remaining in United Kingdom, the city witnessed "savage and unprecedented" communal violence. With Catholics being the principal victims, "fire, plunder and assault" drove 10,000 people from the city, and took 500 lives (a higher toll per capita than the War of Independence and Civil War were to cause in Dublin). A curfew remained in force until 1924.

The lines drawn saw off the challenge to "unionist unity" posed by labour. Industry had been paralysed by strikes in 1907 and again in 1919, when the city was effectively policed by strikers. Until "troubles" returned at the end of the 1960s, it was not uncommon in Belfast for the Ulster Unionist Party to have its council and parliamentary candidates returned unopposed.

In 1932, the opening of the new buildings for Northern Ireland's devolved Parliament at Stormont was overshadowed by the protests of the unemployed and ten days of running street battles with the police. The government conceded increases in Outdoor Relief, but labour unity was short lived. In 1935, celebrations of King George V's Jubilee and of the annual Twelfth were followed by renewed riots and workplace expulsions, a sectarian logic that extended itself to the interpretation of darkening events in Europe. Labour candidates found support for the anti-clerical Spanish Republic (marked today by a No Pasaran! stained glass window in City Hall) characterised as another instance of No-Popery.

In 1938, nearly a third of industrial workers were unemployed, malnutrition was a major issue, and at 9.6% the city's infant mortality rate (compared with 5.9% in Sheffield, England) was among the highest in United Kingdom.

The Blitz and post-war development

In the spring of 1941, the German Luftwaffe appeared four times over Belfast. In addition to the shipyards and the Short & Harland aircraft factory, the Belfast Blitz severely damaged or destroyed more than half the city's housing stock, and devastated the old town centre around High Street. In the greatest loss of life in any air raid outside of London, more than a thousand people were killed.

At the end of the Second World War, the Unionist government undertook programmes of "slum clearance" (the Blitz had exposed the "uninhabitable" condition of much of the city's housing) which involved decanting populations out of mill and factory built red-brick terraces and into new peripheral housing estates. At the same time, a British-funded welfare state "revolutionised access" to education and health care. The resulting rise in expectations; together with the uncertainty caused by the decline of the city's Victorian-era industries, contributed to growing protest, and counter protest, in the 1960s over the Unionist government's record on civil and political rights.

The Troubles

For reasons that nationalists and unionists dispute, the public protests of the late 1960s soon gave way to communal violence (in which as many as 60,000 people were intimidated from their homes) and to loyalist and republican paramilitarism. Introduced onto the streets in August 1969, the British Army committed to the longest continuous deployment in its history, Operation Banner. Beginning in 1970 with the Falls curfew, and followed in 1971 by internment, this included counterinsurgency measures directed chiefly at the Provisional Irish Republican Army. The PIRA characterised their operations, including the bombing of Belfast's commercial centre, as a struggle against British occupation.

Preceded by loyalist and republican ceasefires, the 1998 "Good Friday" Belfast Agreement returned a new power-sharing legislative assembly and executive to Stormont. In the intervening years in Belfast, some 20,000 people had been injured and 1,500 killed.

Eighty-five percent of the conflict-related deaths had occurred within 1,000 metres of the communal interfaces, largely in the north and west of the city. The security barriers erected at these interfaces are an enduring physical legacy of the Troubles. The 14 neighbourhoods they separate are among the 20 most deprived wards in Northern Ireland. In May 2013, the Northern Ireland Executive committed to the removal of all peace lines by mutual consent. The target date of 2023 was passed with only a small number dismantled.

The more affluent districts escaped the worst of the violence, but the city centre was a major target. This was especially so during the first phase of the PIRA campaign in the early 1970s, when the organisation hoped to secure quick political results through maximum destruction. Including car bombs and incendiaries, between 1969 and 1977 the city experienced 2,280 explosions. In addition to the death and injury caused, they accelerated the loss of the city's Victorian fabric.

21st century

Since the turn of the century, the loss of employment and population in the city centre has been reversed. This reflects the growth of the service economy, for which a new district has been developed on former dockland, the Titanic Quarter. The growing tourism sector lists as attractions the murals and peace walls that echo the violence of the past. In recent years, "Troubles tourism" has presented visitors with new territorial markers: flags, murals and graffiti in which loyalists and republicans take opposing sides in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

The demographic balance of some areas has been changed by immigration (according to the 2021 census just under 10% of the city's population was born outside the British Isles), by local differences in births and deaths between Catholics and Protestants, and by a growing number of, particularly younger, people no longer willing to self-identify on traditional lines.

In 1997, unionists lost overall control of Belfast City Council for the first time in its history. The election in 2011 saw Irish nationalist councillors outnumber unionist councillors, with Sinn Féin becoming the largest party, and the cross-community Alliance Party holding the balance of power.

In the 2016 Brexit referendum, Belfast's four parliamentary constituencies returned a substantial majority (60%) for remaining within the European Union, as did Northern Ireland as a whole (55.8%), the only UK region outside London and Scotland to do so. In February 2022, the Democratic Unionist Party, which had actively campaigned for Brexit, withdrew from the power-sharing executive and collapsed the Stormont institutions to protest the 2020 UK-EU Northern Ireland Protocol. With the promise of equal access to the British and European markets, this designates Belfast as a point of entry to the European Single Market within whose regulatory framework local producers will continue to operate. After two years, the standoff was resolved with an agreement to eliminate routine checks on UK-destined goods.

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